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CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS IN
CANADA AND NEW YORK

John W. Headley
1900

Confederate Operations
In Canada and New York

JOHN Wl%EADLEY

Illustrated by Portraits

fif

NEW YORK AND WASHINGTON

THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY
1906

*^\^

TO THE MEMORY

OF THE

Defenseless non-combatant people of the
South who suffered the untold horrors of

merciless warfare ^DESOLATION^ DESTITUTION,

IMPRISONMENT OR DEATH ; OF THE PERSECUTED
PEOPLE OF THE NoRTH WHOSE SENSE OF JUSTICE
AND HUMANITY REVOLTED AT A CRUSADE FOR THE

CAUSE OF John Brown, and of Horace Greeley,
Gerrit Smith and Cornelius Vanderbilt,
this volume is reverently dedicated by the

AUTHOR.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Facing Page.

John W. Headley, 1900 Frontispiece

Major-General John H. Morgan, 1864 i94

Thomas H. Hines, 1864 218

John B. Castleman, 1864 220

Jacob Thompson, 1864 222

John Yates Beall, 1864 242

Bennett H. Young, 1864 256

Clement Claiborne Clay, 1867 258

Robert M. Martin, 1866 274

John W. Headley, 1865 276

Young Confederate widow who was a messenger for the St. Albans
Raiders in getting the proper papers from the Confederate
Government 2)1^

Rev. Stephen F. Cameron. 378

Charles C. Hemming, 1902 ...' 456

Capt. Thomas H. Hines, 1884 458

Col. Bennett H. Young, 1906 460

John B. Castleman, 1898 462

CONTENTS

Chapter I

Election of Abraham Lincoln precipitates secession — Southern Con-
federacy organized. Jefferson Davis chosen President — Mr.
Lincoln inaugurated — Attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter — Fall
of Fort Sumter — Beginning of the war — Situation in Missouri,
Maryland, and Kentucky — President Lincoln declares martial
law 19

Chapter II

Battle of Bull Run — Armies invade Kentucky — Author enlists — Mili-
tary operations in Kentucky 28

Chapter III

Battle and surrender of Fort Donelson— Grant absent during the
battle — Forrest refuses to surrender and escapes and is followed
by over half his regiment 35

Chapter IV

Evacuation of Tennessee by Confederates — Battle of Shiloh — Cam-
paign in Virginia — Buell in North Alabama — Bragg at Chatta-
nooga— Forrest and Morgan in Buell's rear — Bragg and Kirby
Smith invade Kentucky 44

Chapter V
Battle of Perryville — Bragg and Smith evacuate Kentucky 55

Chapter VI

Breckinridge at Murfreesboro — Forrest at Franklin — Johnson and
Martin in western Kentucky — ^John W. Foster levies on citizens
to reimburse Union men 61

Chapter Vli

Bragg's army at Murfreesboro — Secret service for General Bragg —
Purchases at Lafayette, Kentucky — Surprise, flight, and narrow
escape — Battle at Murfreesboro — Discontent in the army and
feeling against General Bragg — Col. R. C. Tyler wounded —
Death of Tyler — Bragg and his generals 68

X CONTENTS

Chapter VIII

Situation changed in "neutral zone" — Secret negotiations with the
Federal commander at Clarksville — Surprised at Mrs. Batson's
— Capture and escape — Another narrow escape — Escape of
Bowers from prison at Clarksville y6

Chapter IX

Captured at Louisa Furnace — Capture of officers of Lee's army —
Escape from prison and captivity in Nashville — Notes on
Rosecrans's army — Departure from Nashville on a pass —
Escape of other prisoners 84

Chapter X

Situation after return from captivity — Forrest at Palmyra — Wheeler
at Fort Donelson — Plain talk of Forrest to Wheeler — Report
to Forrest and Bragg of Rosecrans's army — Van Dorn over
Forrest and others, on the left, and Wheeler over Morgan
and others, on the right of Bragg's army — Morgan's raid to
Kentucky in December, 1862 — Infantry armies being exhausted
in drawn battles and in camp — Spirit of vengeance — Colonel
Streight marches out from Palmyra and encamps on Yellow
Creek 96

Chapter XI

Famous raid of Col. Abel D. Streight through Alabama to Georgia —
Famous pursuit and capture by Gen. N. B, Forrest — Ovation
to Forrest at Rome, Georgia — Federal prisoners attest the
kindness of Forrest 106

Chapter XII

Conduct of the invaders — Devastation of the country in Tennessee,
Alabama, and Mississippi — Cruelty to non-combatant sympa-
thizers with the South 1 13

Chapter XIII

Organization to raid western Kentucky and recruit a regiment —

Fight and defeat at Dixon— Return to Tennessee 122

Chapter XIV

Bragg's retreat from Shelbyville to Chattanooga— Wheeler's fight
and escape at Shelbyville — Morgan starts on Ohio raid — Federal
commanders lose Morgan in Kentucky, except those on his trail
— Morgan crosses into Indiana, passes near Cincinnati — Morgan
surrenders, and with his officers is confined in Ohio Peniten-
tiary 131

CONTENTS

Chapter XV

Col. Robert M. Martin — Record in Morgan's cavalry — Morgan's men
under Martin open and close battle of Chickamauga — Forrest
loses his division 139

Chapter XVI

Martin's expedition to Kentucky — Exciting adventures — Skirmish
with an old friend — Surprised and routed near Greenville —
Loss of horses and equipments — Rendezvous in Henry County,
Tennessee — Expedition on foot to Golden Pond — Recapture
of horses, and home-guards paroled 146

j
Chapter XVII

Journey to Kentucky, then around Nashville and into Alabama —
Narrow escapes — Luxurious homes of an Alabama valley —
Johnston succeeds Bragg 161

Chapter XVIII

Mission for General Morgan to vicinity of Nashville — Miss Mary
Overall secures information in Nashville — Death of Dee Jobe —
Wounded Union soldier dies and is buried, by enemies, in
family graveyard — Safe arrival at Rome, Georgia 168

Chapter XIX

Raid of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren to capture Richmond, release
Federal prisoners, pillage and burn the city, and kill President
Davis and his Cabinet — Vengeful views of the Confederate
soldiers at this period over the devastation of their country 175

Chapter XX

Morgan at Abingdon — General Jenkins wounded and his command
routed — Martin leads a charge — Morgan defeats enemy near
Wytheville — His last raid to Kentucky — Captures garrison at
Mt. Sterling — Martin's command surprised by Burbridge —
Defense and escape with severe loss — Fight and capture of
garrison at Cynthiana — Morgan defeated by Burbridge —
Escape to Virginia 186

Chapter XXI

Morgan re-establishes headquarters at Abingdon — Reorganizing his
command— Officers recuperate — Richmond authorities aroused
against Morgan — Skirmish of Major Cantrill with scouts —
Detached by Secretary of War 201

XII CONTENTS

Chapter XXII

Departure for Canada — Death of General Morgan — Forrest in Mis-
sissippi— ^Journey from Corinth to Toronto 211

Chapter XXIII

Capt. Thomas H. Hines — Purposes of mission to Canada — Col, Jacob

Thompson's mission — Coalition with leaders of Sons of Liberty

— Concentration~aT'Democratic National Convention in Chicago

r^^^^ruitless endeavor to release Confederate prisoners at Camp

UDouglas and Springfield 217

Chapter XXIV

Plan for capture of gunboat Michigan on Lake Erie and release of
prisoners on Johnson's Island — Captain Cole and Acting Master
Beall undertake the adventure — Lieutenant Young sent with
funds to Buffalo— 7Cole, at the moment of success, is betrayed
and arrested and imprisoned at Sandusky City — Thompson and
Clay to the rescue — Cole finally recognized as prisoner of war....23i

Chapter XXV

I Capt. John Yates Beall — His home in Virginia — Early career in the

1 Confederacy with Bennett G. Burley — Capture of steamer

i Philo Parsons on Lake Erie — Capture of Island Queen —

i Attempt to release prisoners on Johnson's Island — Mutiny of

men when signals failed to appear — Compelled to return and

destroy vessels — Men disperse in Canada — Arrest of Burley —

Confederate steamer Georgiana on Lake Erie 241

Chapter XXVI

Lieutenant Young's raid upon St. Albans, Vermont — Retreat and
pursuit— Capture by Americans in Canada — Rescued by a
British officer — Sympathy for prisoners in Canada — Extradition
demanded — Preparations for defense 256

Chapter XXVII

Plans for revolution at Chicago and New York City — Attempts to be
made to burn Cincinnati, Philadelphia, and Boston — Plans in
New York City 264

Chapter XXVIII

\ Confederates attempt to burn business section of New York City —
''■ Escape to Canada 274

CONTENTS XIII

Chapter XXIX

Noitliwestern Confederacy vanishes — Plans exposed at Chicago —
Arrest of leaders^^GetjefaTreport of Thompson upon all opera-
tionSiTzFai lure -Conceded— Judge Buckner S. Morris and Col.
Vincent Marmaduke acquitted — R, T. Semmes and Charles
Walsh sentenced to penitentiary — Col. George St, Leger Grenfel
sentenced to be hung 284

Chapter XXX

Expedition to Buffalo and Dunkirk, New York, to rescue Confed-
erate generals on train — Proclamations of General Dix — Efforts
to capture the express car — Capture of Captain Beall and
George S. Anderson at_jSjisfiension Bridge...r.. 301

Chapter XXXI

Situation in Canada and in the Confederacy — Sherman's march

through Georgia and occupation of Savannah 308

Chapter XXXII

Trials of Confederates in progress — Lieut, S. B. Davis captured —
Bennett G. Burley ordered to be extradited to United States —
Colonel Thompson writes to Confederate minister in England —
British Government interferes and saves Burley — Ashbrook
and Kennedy depart for the Confederacy — Lieutenant Davis
sentenced to be hung — Colonel Thompson appeals to President
Lincoln and Secretary of War Stanton on merits of the case —
Successful proceedings in behalf of Davis — Capture, trial and
execution of Kennedy 321

Chapter XXXIII

Operations of General Sherman in South Carolina, and General

Hunter in Virginia — General Early retaliates in Pennsylvania....332

Chapter XXXIV

Trial of John Yates £ea]l by military commission' — Character as a
Confederate officer esfablished— Hrs ~ acts _. authorized and
approved by the Confederate Government — Ai-guments~ of
counsel 340

Chapter XXXV

Efforts of the friends of Beall, with President Lincoln, for his pardon
— Beall hung on Governor's Island — Buried in Greenwood
Cemetery, Brooklyn 357

XIV CONTENTS

Chapter XXXVI

Trial of Lieutenant Young and his men at Montreal — Complete vin-
dication 370

Chapter XXXVII

Arrangements to leave Canada for Richmond — Plan for the next cam-
paign— Last ditch in the Northern States — Colonel Thompson
remains in Canada to assist in the trials of Confederates 382

Chapter XXXVIII

The trouble of reaching Richmond — Situation in Kentucky, West

Virginia, and Tennessee 390

Chapter XXXIX

Departure from Canada — Journey to Cincinnati — Arrival and sojourn

in Louisville — Preparations for journey to Virginia 396

Chapter XL

Plans and efforts to capture Vice-President-elect Andrew Johnson at

the Louisville Hotel 402

Chapter XLI

Capture horses of Major Julius Fosses in Louisville — Escape from

the city — ^Journey to Abingdon, Virginia 411

Chapter XLII

Journey to Richmond — Richmond and Petersburg evacuated — Gov-
ernment flees to the South — Retreat of Lee and surrender at
Appomattox — Detained at Lynchburg — Escape to the West and
South — Terms of peace 425

Chapter XLIII

Peace cartel repudiated by President Johnson — Surrender of Johnstoin
and his army — President Davis and Cabinet retire through
South Carolina — Five cavalry brigades guard the retreat — Last
council of war — Proposal of General Breckinridge for conduct
of President Davis to Mexico — General Duke's account of the
last conference of President Davis with the generals of cavalry
— Departure of President Davis from Washington, Georgia 432

CONTENTS XV

Chapter XLIV

President Davis made prisoner — Parole of Confederates at Wash-
ington, Georgia — President Johnson's Amnesty Proclamation —
Martin and Headley in excepted class — Arrest of Headley, his
escape, and subsequent pardon by the President — Troubles in
Middle Tennessee — Arrest of Martin — He is put in irons and in
prison at Fort Lafayette „ 438

Chapter XLV

Robert M. Martin pardoned — Many sentences remitted — Parole of
C. C. Clay, Jr. — Jefferson Davis delivered to United States
Court at Richmond — Released on bail-bond — Ovation to Mr.
Davis in the South — Nolle prosequi entered — Finally settles in
Mississippi to spend his last years — Visit to birthplace in
Kentucky — Subsequent lives of Confederate officers who served
in Canada 451

Chapter XLVI

The truth — The premises — Summary of conduct of the war — Impar-
tial testimony and views of Federal commanders — Confederate
success in battle — Troops engaged — Cause and result of the
war 464

Chapter XLVII
Conduct of Southern authorities and soldiers 473

INTRODUCTION

There is little consolation in relating the particulars of the
hostile operations along the northern borders of the United
States, by Confederate soldiers from Canada, who were.assigned
to this service by the authorities of the Confederate States in
1864.

And yet the authentic narrative of this desperate warfare
•which recalls and includes the cruel phases of the deplorable
conflict may be due to the survivors and the dead of the North
and the South who were military foes, and may serve as a lesson
and a guide to the present and future generations of our reunited
country in determining the price of peace and the pretexts for
war.

All references that pertain to the conduct of the Federal
Government and soldiers toward non-combatants are derived
entirely from verified authority and the official records of the
War Department of the United States. But little account of
the engagements between the great armies is attempted. And
it is deemed sufficient to submit the summaries of Generals
Buell and Grant, the commanders of the two Federal armies
at the battle of Shiloh, concerning the results of battles, the
forces engaged, the morale of soldiers, and the cause of the
war.

The military operations in the Department of Tennessee are
noted partially from personal knowledge, but those west of
the Mississippi River, being of like character under like con-
ditions, are omitted. And besides, the commanders in both these
Departments of the Confederacy appear to have missed oppor-
tunities alike at the critical period — 1862-3, whilst Gen. Robert
E. Lee was never driven, by generalship or numbers, from Vir-
ginia, but upon her bosom ended his struggle and breathed his
last sigh as a soldier of the Southern Confederacy.

John W. Headley.
Louisville, Kentucky, 1906.

CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS IN
CANADA AND NEW YORK

CHAPTER I

Election of Abraham Lincoln precipitates secession — Southern
Confederacy organized, Jefferson Davis chosen President
— Mr. Lincoln inaugurated — Attempt to reinforce Fort
Sumter — Fall of Fort Sumter — Beginning of the war —
Situation in Missouri, Maryland and Kentucky — President
Lincoln declares martial law.

The sectional animosities engendered by the agitation in
the Northern States for the abolition of African slavery
reached a climax upon the election of Abraham Lincoln to
the Presidency of the United States in November, i860.
The Southern people construed this event to mean the free-
dom of their negroes. Indeed, the passions of the triumph-
ant party in the Northern States and their purposes were
no longer concealed.

The period of reason appeared to have passed and the
question was at once agitated in the South of withdrawing
from the Union and of organizing a new government on
the same basis as that of the United States, and accordingly
South Carolina initiated the movement by an Act of Seces-
sion from the Union, December 14, i860. Other States
followed, and a provisional new government was formed
by delegates from South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala-
bama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, who assembled in
convention at Montgomery, Alabama. Jefferson Davis was
chosen President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia,
Vice-President, on the 9th of February, 1861.

20 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

In his inaugural address, February i8, 1861, Mr. Davis
set forth the objects and purposes of the new General Gov-
ernment, which was called ''The Confederate States of
America." In part he said :

Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented
in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that
governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it
is the right of the people to alter or abolish governments
whenever they become destructive of the ends for which they
were established.

Through many years of controversy with our late associates,
the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tran-
quillity, and to obtain respect for the rights to which we were
entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the
remedy of separation; and henceforth our energies must be
directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity
of the Confederacy which we have formed.

If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peace-
ably to pursue our separate career, my most earnest desire will
have been fulfilled ; but if this is denied us, and the integrity
of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain
for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms, and invoke the
blessings of Providence on a just cause.

We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system
of our Government. The Constitution formed by our fathers
is that of these Confederate States, in their exposition of it;
and, in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light
which reveals its true meaning.

President Lincoln, in his inaugural address on March 4,
1861, said:

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern
States that, by the accession of a Republican Administration,
their property and their peace and personal security are to be
endangered. There has never been any cause for such
apprehensions.

Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the
while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 21

nearly all the public speeches of him who addresses you. I do
but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have
no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institu-
tion of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have
no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge
that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had
never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the
platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to
me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

''Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of
the States, and especially the right of each State to order and
control its own domestic institutions according to its own judg-
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which
the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and
we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of
any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among
the gravest crimes."

However, President Lincoln at once began the prepara-
tions for reinforcing Fort Sumter. Eleven vessels were
fitted up and loaded with several thousand troops, arms,
and supplies. They were instructed to reinforce Major
Anderson at Fort Sumter, peaceably if they could, but by
force if they must. Just before they arrived, General Beau-
regard, in command at Charleston, reduced the Fort, and the
garrison surrendered, upon honorable terms, April 13, 1861,
without the loss of life on either side.

On the 15th of April, 1861, two days after the fall of Fort
Sumter, President Lincoln issued a proclamation, calling for
seventy-five thousand troops, in which he said :

I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid this
effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence
of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular govern-
ment, and to redress wrongs already long endured.

And I hereby command the persons composing the combina-
tions aforesaid to disperse and retire peaceably to their respec-
tive abodes within twenty days from this date.

22 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The States of Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas and North
Carolina at once proceeded to enter the Confederacy.

The Provisional Government organized at Montgomery
was merged into a permanent Government, with no special
changes except the removal of the capital to Richmond,
Virginia.

It was with rivalry that the volunteers in the Southern
States were organized and rushed into the conflict. And
likewise in the Northern States. Indeed, active preparations
were being made from the day of the inauguration of the
new Presidents.

Gen. John C. Fremont was one of the first generals ap-
pointed by President Lincoln, and was assigned to the com-
mand of the Department of the West, in which Ohio and
Kentucky were included. His headquarters was established
at St. Louis.

The State Administration, including the militia, was
openly arrayed against the Union in Missouri. General Fre-
mont was confronted from the start by a condition of revolt
against his authority, and his military jurisdiction in the
State was practically limited to St. Louis for some time.

General Fremont says when he parted from the President
in Washington to assume his command in the West that Mr.
Lincoln said :

I have given you carte blanche. You must use your own
judgment and do the best you can. I doubt if the States will
ever come back.

General Fremont, therefore, within a few months deemed
it advisable to issue a proclamation declaring martial law,
from which the following extracts are quoted:

St. Louis, August 30, 1861.
*******

All persons who shall be taken with arms in their hands within
these lines shall be tried by court-martial, and if found guilty
will be shot.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of
Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States,
or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with
their enemies in the field, is declared confiscated to the public
use, and their slaves, if they have any, are hereby declared free
men.

All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the
publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs,
shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law.

All persons engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giving
or procuring aid to the enemies of the United States, in foment-
ing tumults, in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and
circulating false reports or incendiary documents, are in their
own interest warned that they are exposing themselves to
sudden and severe punishment.

All persons who have been led away from their allegiance,
are required to return to their homes forthwith; any such
absence, without sufficient cause, will be held to be presumptive
evidence against them.

The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the
military authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to
existing laws, and to supply such deficiencies as the conditions
of war demand.

*******

Gen. Jeff. Thompson, then in command of the Missouri
militia forces about St. Louis, at once issued the following
proclamation of retaliation:

Headquarters First Military District Mo.

St. Louis^ August 31, 1861.
To All Whom It May Concern:

Whereas, Ma j. -Gen. John C. Fremont, commanding the
minions of Abraham Lincoln in the State of Missouri, has seen
fit to declare martial law throughout the whole State, and has
threatened to shoot any citizen-soldier found in arms within
certain limits; also, to confiscate the property and free the
negroes belonging to the members of the Missouri State Guard :

Therefore, know ye, that I, M. Jeff. Thompson, Brigadier-
General of the First Military District of Missouri, having not
only the military authority of brigadier-general, but certain
police powers granted by Acting-Governor Thomas C. Rey-
nolds, and confirmed afterward by Governor Jackson, do most
solemnly promise that for every member of the Missouri State

24 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Guard, or soldier of our allies, the armies of the Confederate
States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order
of General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion
of said Abraham Lincoln.

While I am anxious that this unfortunate war shall be con-
ducted, if possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized
warfare, and every order that I have issued has been with that
object — ^yet, if this rule is to be adopted (and it must first be
done by our enemies), I intend to exceed General Fremont in
his excesses, and will make all tories that come within my reach
rue the day that a different policy was adopted by their leaders.

Already mills, barns, warehouses, and other private property
have been waste fully and wantonly destroyed by the enemy
in this district, while we have taken nothing except articles
contraband or absolutely necessary. Should these things be
repeated, I will retaliate ten-fold, so help me God.

M. Jeff. Thompson,
Brigadier-General Commanding.

President Lincoln wrote :

(private).
Washington, D. C, September 2, 1861.

My Dear Sir : Two points in your proclamation of August
30th give me some anxiety :

First. Should you shoot a man according to the proclama-
tion, the Confederates would very certainly shoot our best man
in their hands, in retaliation ; and so, man for man, indefinitely.
It is, therefore, my order that you allow no man to be shot
under the proclamation without first having my approbation or
consent.

Second. I think there is great danger that the closing par-
agraph, in relation to the confiscation of property, and the liber-
ating of slaves of traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern
Union friends, and turn them against us; perhaps ruin our
rather fair prospect for Kentucky.

Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own
motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first
and fourth sections of the Act of Congress entitled, "An Act
to Confiscate Property Used for Insurrectionary Purposes,"
approved August 6, 1861, a copy of which Act I herewith send
you.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 25

This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure,
I send it by a special messenger, so that it may certainly and
speedily reach you.

Yours very truly,

A. Lincoln.
Major-General Fremont.

General Fremont replied to President Lincoln's sugges-
tions, in a long letter, from which I make extracts :

Headquarters Western Department.

St. Louis, September 8, 1861.
My Dear Sir : Your letter of the second, by special messen-
ger, I know to have been written before you had received my
letter, and before my telegraphic dispatches and rapid devel-
opments of critical conditions here had informed you of affairs
in this quarter.

* * ^ 5{S * * *

This is as much a movement in the war, as a battle, and, in
going into these, I shall have to act according to my judgment of
the ground before me, as I did on this occasion.
*******

If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that
I myself thought it wrong, and that I had acted without
the reflection which the gravity of the point demanded. But
I did not. I acted with full deliberation, and upon the certain
conviction that it was a measure right and necessary, and I think
so still.

In regard to the other point of the proclamation to which you
refer, I desire to say that I do not think the enemy can either
misconstrue or urge anything against it, or undertake to make
unusual retaliation. The shooting of men who shall rise in
arms against an army in the military occupation of a country,
is merely a necessary measure of defense, and entirely according
to the usages of civilized warfare. The article does not at all
refer to prisoners of war and certainly our enemies have no
grounds for requiring that we should waive in their benefit any
of the ordinary advantages which the usages of war allow us.

As promptitude is itself an advantage in war, I have also to
ask that you will permit me to carry out upon the spot the pro-
visions of the proclamation in this respect.

I am, with respect and regard.

Very truly yours,

J. C. Fremont.

The President.

26 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

President Lincoln rejoined, as follows :

Washington, September ii, 1861.

Sir : Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2nd instant,
is just received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could
better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at
this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August Z^th^ I
perceived no general objection to it.

The particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation
of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be
objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress,
passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and
hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should
be modified accordingly.

Your answer, just received, expresses the preference, on your
part, that I should make an open order for the modification,
which I very cheerfully do.

It is therefore ordered, that the said clause of said procla-
mation be so modified, held and construed to conform to, and
not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained
in the Act of Congress entitled, "An Act to Confiscate Property
Used for Insurrectionary Purposes," approved August 6th,
1 86 1, and that said Act be published at length with this order.

Your obedient servant,

A. Lincoln.

Major-General John C. Fremont.

Practically the same conditions existed in Maryland and
Kentucky.

The legislatures of both States were assembled to consider
the Act of Secession. In Maryland there was little doubt
that the Act would be passed.

On the same day that Mr. Lincoln wrote to General
Fremont, the following order was issued to Gen. Nathaniel
P. Banks :

War Department, September 11, 1861.
General : The passage of an Act of Secession by the Legis-
lature of Maryland must be prevented. If necessary, all or any
part of the members must be arrested. Exercise your own
judgment as to the time and manner but do the work effectually.
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
Simon Cameron,

Secretary of War.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

The General Assembly of Kentucky had adopted a resolu-
tion declaring "that Kentucky should maintain a strict neu-
trality during the contest between the North and the South."
This was the position of the Union men of the Legislature.
A Union mass meeting, held in Louisville and attended by
persons from all parts of the State, issued an address affirm-
ing the same position.

A regiment of infantry recruited, armed, and equipped
at Louisville by Col. Blanton Duncan, with Thomas H.
Taylor, lieutenant-colonel, had already volunteered and en-
listed under General Beauregard in Virginia.

Meantime, President Lincoln had issued his proclamation
declaring martial law, and citizens were arrested for dis-
loyalty in all the border States. They were requested to take
an oath of allegiance to the United States or were committed
to prison.

CHAPTER II

Battle of Bull Run — Armies invade Kentucky — Author
enlists — Military operations in Kentucky.

During this period the ports of the Confederacy had been
blockaded by the warships of the United States. The Con-
federate States had been recognized as belligerents by the
Governments of Great Britain and France, and the hostile
armies had been engaged in actual warfare in Virginia and
Missouri. But the army of the Confederacy was at Manassas
under General Beauregard and in the Shenandoah Valley
under Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. General McDowell ad-
vanced his army from Washington and on the 21st of July
attacked Beauregard. General Johnston arrived on the field
with his troops in the afternoon, when the battle resulted in
the defeat and rout of McDowell's army. The stampede con-
tinued to Washington City without pursuit by the Confed-
erates. General McDowell reported to the War Department
as follows :

Fairfax Court House, July 21, 1861.

The men have thrown away their haversacks in the battle
and left them behind ; they are without food, have eaten noth-
ing since breakfast. We are without artillery ammunition.
The larger part of the men are a confused mob — entirely demor-
alized. It was the opinion of all the commanders that no stand
could be made this side of the Potomac. We will, however,
make the attempt at Fairfax Court House. From a prisoner
we learned that 20,000 from Johnston joined last night and they
march on us to-night.

Irwin McDowell.

Again General McDowell dispatche3 :

Fairfax Court House, July 22, 1861.
Many of the volunteers did not wait for authority to proceed
to the Potomac, but left on their own decision. They are now

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 29

pouring through this place in a state of utter disorganization.
They could not be prepared for action by to-morrow morning
even if they were willing. I learn from prisoners that we are to
be pressed here to-night and to-morrow morning, as the enemy's
force is very large and they are elated. I think we heard cannon
on our rear-guard. I think now, as all my commanders thought
at Centerville, there is no alternative but to fall back to the
Potomac, and I shall proceed to do so with as much regularity
as possible.

Irwin McDowell.

This event electrified the heart of the South and aroused
the war spirit in the border States to such a degree that the
drastic measures of the Federal authorities recorded in the
preceding-chapter were doubtless deemed essential to prevent
the regular secession of Missouri, Maryland and Kentucky.
Meanwhile, there had been organization on the northern and
southern borders of Kentucky, and volunteers were enlist-
ing on both sides.

Finally the Union army moved into Kentucky and ad-
vanced to Munfordsville under Brig.-Gen. W. T. Sherman,
with Brig.-Gen. George H. Thomas on the left at Lebanon
and Columbia, while on the right, posts were established
at Owensboro, Calhoun, Henderson and Paducah, and also
at Cairo, Illinois, under Brig.-Gen. U. S. Grant — the whole
under Gen. Henry W. Halleck at St. Louis, he having suc-
ceeded General Fremont.

The Confederate army under command of Gen. Albert
Sidney Johnston promptly advanced from Nashville to Bowl-
ing Green with Brig.-Gen. Felix Zollicoffer on the right
toward Cumberland Gap, while on the left, troops were posted
at Hopkinsville, Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, Tennessee,
and also at Columbus, Kentucky, under Brig.-Gen. Leonidas
Polk.

It will be observed that these opposing forces extended
along a line from the Mississippi River to Cumberland Gap,
a distance of perhaps 300 miles.

The presence of both armies created intense excitement
in Kentucky. Neighbors and members of the same families

30 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

became aroused against each other. Volunteers singly or in
squads from every neighborhood rushed to both armies, and
were soon organized into companies, regiments and brigades.

At this juncture I left my home in Hopkins County to join
the Confederates at Hopkinsville. I found Brig.-Gen. James
L. Alcorn of Mississippi in command. The First Mississippi
Infantry was here under Col. John T. Simonton and Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Davidson. There were two companies of cavalry
under Capt. Ned Merriweather and Capt. Gowan Bell, nearly
all the men recruited from Christian County. But in another
camp were about one hundred cavalry under Capt. James K.
Huey of Smithland.

Most of these men were from Hopkins and Webster
counties, and many of them my neighbors, some being rela-
tions, and I located with them at once. The company was
sworn in under Captain Huey by General Alcorn on October
21, 1 86 1, for one year.

I had been restless all the summer because I could not
conveniently leave to volunteer, having been detained on ac-
count of my father's business, being his reliance in a store at
Nebo, his home being four miles distant, on a farm. I had
been afraid the independence of the Confederacy would be
acknowledged and the war ended before I could get in it.
I was now satisfied at last.

About this time an encampment was located at Saratoga
Springs in Lyon County, where W. D. Wilcox and Benjamin
D. Terry had recruited about 150 cavalry for the Confed-
eracy, with a good prospect of a battalion or regiment.

But a transport, accompanied by a gunboat, came up the
Cumberland River from Smithland with a command of
Federals under Major Phillips. They were landed after mid-
night within five miles of Saratoga Springs. At daybreak
they attacked the encampment. The sleeping men were not
only surprised but unarmed, excepting a few who had double-
barreled shotguns and some with pistols. There was conster-
nation for a few moments after the first volley of the enemy
was fired, but a dash was instantly made to escape, led by

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 31

Captains Terry and Wilcox. The casualties of the South-
erners were three killed and eight wounded. The remainder
and a number of horses were captured. Captain Wilcox was
wounded, but he and Captain Terry reached Hopkinsville
safely with a hundred of the men. I saw them on their
arrival, and though fatigued they were in the best of spirits.
The command was at once enlisted for three years, or the
war, and organized in one company. W. D. Wilcox was
elected captain and Benjamin D. Terry first lieutenant. This
was perhaps the first hostile encounter and the first loss of
life in Kentucky.

The members of all these cavalry companies furnished
their own horses and generally their own shotguns and other
equipments.

Early in November a battalion of cavalry arrived from
Fort Henry under command of Lieut.-Col. N. B. Forrest and
Maj. D. C. Kelly, and encamped on the other side of the
town.

A short while after the arrival of Forrest at Hopkinsville
he started with about three hundred men toward Henderson,
Lieutenant Wallace with some twenty of Huey's company
being of the number. At Marion Forrest learned that a
prominent friend of the South had been arrested and sent
away to prison on the information of Jonathan Belt, an
enthusiastic Union man. With a detachment, Forrest went
to arrest Belt and hold him as a hostage. As they proceeded
on the way, Forrest and Dr. Van Wyck, surgeon of the regi-
ment, rode in front. When they reached Belt's house he
was inside, and, firing upon the advance, he killed Dr. Van
Wyck. Belt then ran out through the back of his premises
and escaped.

There was now a quiet time for several weeks at Hop-
kinsville, when all the troops went into winter quarters.
This, however, was a monotonous existence for the class of
men composing our company. Perhaps half of them had left
a wife and children behind and all of them comfortable

32 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

homes. Some were wealthy for that country, but in the en-
thusiasm of the moment had rushed into the war for Southern
independence.

The regiment of Colonel Forrest had now been joined by
two additional companies from Alabama, commanded by
Captains Davis and McDonald, and one company from
Tennessee, commanded by Captain Starnes. It was now
composed of ten companies, with a total strength of eight
hundred men.

Early in Christmas week Colonel Forrest was sent with
about three hundred men, including thirty men from the
company of Captain Merri weather, in the direction of Cal-
houn. In Muhlenburg County, Forrest heard a cavalry com-
mand of the enemy, estimated at four hundred, was on the
road between Greenville and Sacramento. He overtook them
near the latter place and found them formed across the road
in line of battle. Forrest now halted and prepared for action.
He sent Captain Starnes with about forty men to the left and
Major Kelly with a similar number to the right to attack
both flanks. At the same moment Forrest moved his main
line forward with sabers drawn, and charged the enemy's
front. The attack was simultaneous and the enemy did not
wait to meet the assault. Their line broke up in confusion
and stampeded through the town of Sacramento, with the
Confederates yelling and pressing the pursuit, Forrest, Merri-
weather and Starnes being in the lead. They soon began to
overtake and slay those in the rear who did not surrender.

Some two miles beyond Sacramento the Federal com-
mander rallied a portion of his command, after passing
through a lane that ran over a ridge that crossed a farm.
As Forrest and his followers reached the top of the ridge in
the lane and found the enemy forming some two hundred
yards distant, at the end of the lane, they did not halt or
wait for all the command to come up, but Forrest dashed
forward at the head of his foremost men, formed in column
of fours, and went headlong into the enemy with sabers and
pistols, forcing a hand-to-hand combat. Captain Merri-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 33

weather at Forrest's side fell dead with a ball through the
head. Forrest being surrounded by his desperate foes, slew
Captain Bacon with his saber, who fell from his horse. But
Forrest's men rushed to his aid, and one named Terry fell
dead at the hands of Captain Davis of the Federal force.
Forrest dashed at the Captain with such force that their
horses collided and both went down. Davis was disabled and
surrendered. Forrest was up and remounted instantly. But
there was nothing more to do. Captain Starnes and others
who composed the advance had made common cause with
Forrest.

All who rallied around Bacon and Davis for this desperate
struggle with Forrest and his men had been killed, wounded
or captured. And here the conflict ended. The Confed-
erates had three men wounded. The struggle had not
lasted over fifteen minutes. Though an insignificant affair
it was regarded at the time as the most sensational and
romantic fight of the war, and the daring and intrepidity of
Forrest in this, his first battle, brought himi instant fame.

Early in January, 1862, Gen. George B. Crittenden suc-
ceeded Gen. Felix Zollicoffer in command of the little army
on the Upper Cumberland encamped at Mill Spring.

Gen. George H. Thomas advanced his coltimn from Le-
banon and through Columbia to a point within ten miles of
Crittenden. Crittenden moved forward and attacked. A
desperate engagement ensued, which finally resulted in the
defeat of Crittenden, who retreated to his entrenched camp
at Mill Spring. But upon the approach of Thomas with a
superior force the Confederates evacuated their position and
their retreat became a rout. General Zollicoffer was among
the killed. The Confederate command was practically scat-
tered for the time being, leaving the Federals in possession
of that part of Kentucky.

During this period General Alcorn was relieved and was
succeeded at Hopkinsville by Gen. Charles Clark of Missis-
sippi. General Sherman had been relieved of his command
in Kentucky and succeeded by Gen. Don Carlos Buell.

34 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The other operations in this section during- the past three
months had not been of great importance excepting the
battle of Belmont, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Brig.-
Gen. U. S. Grant, in command at Cairo, Illinois, had con-
veyed his forces on steamboats down the river and disem-
barked on the Missouri side several miles above Columbus,
Kentucky. He then moved down to make a demonstration
against the Confederate position across the river, but Maj.-
Gen. Leonidas Polk managed to get his forces ferried over
and attacked Grant at Belmont. After a spirited battle Grant
retreated to his boats and returned to Cairo.

CHAPTER III

Battle and surrender of Fort Donelson — Grant absent during
the battle — Forrest refuses to surrender and escapes and is
followed by over half his regiment.

We were surprised by the announcement that General
Grant in command of an expedition up the Tennessee River
had surrounded and captured Gen. Lloyd Tilghman and one
hundred men at Fort Henry on the 6th of February, 1862.
The only comfort we got out of the disaster was the escape
of the greater part of the garrison. We realized that the
Federal army was seventy-five miles in our rear. The fall
of Fort Henry opened the way for the Federals up the river
to Mississippi and Alabama. The next morning early we
marched through Hopkinsville and out the turnpike leading
to Clarksville, Tennessee. The company was disbanded to go
in squads through the country to find accommodations and
report next morning at Clarksville. We Itf^ed at Clarks-
ville that a Confederate army was assembl!^ at Dover to
defend Fort Donelson, which was located two miles below
the town on the Cumberland River. We arrived at the ferry
landing opposite Dover about an hour before night. It w^as
after dark when we got across and went into camp with
Forrest.

Colonel Forrest went out the Fort Henry road the next
afternoon to reconnoiter. After going about three miles we
were marching through a short lane, when a single shot was
fired. The head of the command pushed forward and the
order was passed back down the line to form fours and close
up ranks. The regiment rode in a gallop for half a mile or
more. The whole command in front seemed to be breaking
ranks in some confusion and when we got up it was found

36 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

that a Federal cavalryman had been captured by Wm. Davis,
of our company, and he too had fired the first shot, being- at
the head of the advance guard when it met the Federal
scouts. We went out again the next morning on the Fort
Henry road and had gone about a mile when there were
several shots at the head of the column and a halt. Colonel
Forrest hurried from the right along the front of the line,
and as he halted at our company on the left and was talking
to Captain Huey, Major Kelly galloped up and reported
something to Forrest. I was designated to take six men and
go forward. Forrest directed me to deploy the men fifty
yards apart, going in the center myself along the road, with
three men off in the woods on each side, and when we came
upon the enemy to fire and fall back after observing closely
all the troops in sight. We proceeded for half a mile without
seeing or hearing of the enemy, when we were called back.

Forrest seemed very busy along the line, and in a few
minutes dismounted a part of it. He then galloped to Captain
Huey and ordered him to follow with his company. We
filed around to the right through the woods and went a
hundred yards, halting and forming a line fronting a little
hill. Forrest went back to the regiment but returned present-
ly with M^BKelly and two companions. They hurried by,
passing in t^Trear of our line, halting about a hundred yards
to our right on higher ground, and began to form in line.
Forrest then came back, ordered Captain Huey to take the
hill in front of us, and galloped on to the other part of the
regiment he had left in the original position.

Captain Huey had about got ready, when suddenly a vol-
ley was poured from the hill, about seventy-five yards dis-
tant, into our ranks. I heard something strike with a dull
spat on my left. Tiller Younger was next to me, and said
he was shot through the left arm. When I turned and looked
up, I saw that the whole company had given way in some
confusion. I called to the men to come up in line and they
rallied quick as a flash, every man to his place. The con-
fusion had all been caused by the frightened horses. Captain

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 37

Huey had just got the Hne dressed, when Major Kelly'
charged the hill with his two companies and went within
fifty yards of the Federals, who fired two volleys into his
ranks and then opened on him with a piece of artillery, when
he fell back in disorder, but quickly rallied and maintained
his position. His charge saved our company from the same
experience. A number of his men were wounded and sev-
eral horses killed. Before our company did anything For-
rest withdrew the whole command, which marched back with-
in our lines.

The Federals brought several pieces of artillery in sight,
half a mile from our trenches, and began to throw shells
into our works. It was a straggling fire, however, and met
with no response from our artillery. But the booming of
the enemy's cannon served to rouse all our forces.

It was now settled that Grant's army was arriving and
taking position in our front. Next morning, the 13th, we
expected a battle in earnest. The enemy opened with ar-
tillery early and continued a desultory cannonade. Several
feeble attempts were made by infantry on our works, and
one by at least a brigade, which was repulsed after renewed
assaults, with considerable loss to the enem^^nd some in
our trenches. ^W

On the 14th the armies remained quiet. The enemy's fleet
of gunboats, however, attacked the Fort in the afternoon,
but was badly crippled and retired down the river.

It appears that General Grant left his army about daylight
on the 15th to visit Commander Foote (who was wounded
and desired a conference) on his gunboat about seven miles
below and did not return until about three o'clock in the
afternoon.

Meanwhile, Gen. Gideon S. Pillow moved our army out
of our works from the right center all round on the left
and attacked Grant's right wing. Captain Huey's company
was detailed as an escort for Gen. John B. Floyd, who was
in chief command, but we viewed the battle from a safe
position. It was an exciting scene to witness the contest
for hours not more than half a mile away.

38 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

About two o'clock in the afternoon the enemy retreated
toward the Tennessee River, according to our information
on the field, and our army returned to the trenches. Late
in the afternoon the enemy, by an assault with a division,
gained a foothold on Fort Donelson hill, but was checked
and partially dislodged by General Buckner. Colonel For-
rest and all the cavalry except Captain Huey's company had
been in the thickest of the battle.

General Grant says :

After these mishaps to the fleet I concluded to make the
investment of Fort Donelson as perfect as possible, and partially
fortify, and await repairs to the gunboats.

On the morning of the 15th, before it was yet broad day, a
messenger from Flag-officer Foote handed me a note, expressing
a desire to see me on the flag-ship, and saying that he had been
injured the day before so much that he could not come himself to
me. I at once made my preparations for starting.

When I reached the fleet I found the flag-ship was anchored
out in the stream. A small boat, however, awaited my arrival
and I was soon on board with the flag-officer.

I saw the absolute necessity of his gunboats going into hos-
pital and did i^^now but I should be forced to the alternative
of going thr<]|Hra siege. But the enemy relieved me from this
necessity.

When I left the National line to visit Flag-officer Foote I
had no idea that there would be an engagement on land unless
I brought it on myself.

From the 12th to the 14th we had but 15,000 men of all arms
and no gunboats. Now we had been reinforced by a fleet of six
naval vessels, a large division of troops under Gen. L. Wallace,
and 2,500 men brought over from Fort Henry belonging to the
division of C. F. Smith. The enemy, however, had taken the
initiative. Just as I landed I met Captain Hillyer, of my staff,
white with fear, not for his personal safety, but for the safety
of the National troops. He said the enemy had come out of
his lines in full force and attacked and scattered McClernand's
division, which was in full retreat.

The attack had been made on the National right. I was some
four or five miles north of our left. The line was about three
miles long.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

The enemy had come out in full force to cut his way out and
make his escape. McCIernand's division had to bear the brunt
of the attack of this combined force.

The division broke and a portion fled, but most of the men,
as they were not pursued, only fell back out of the range of the
fire of the enemy.

At all events, the enemy fell back within his entrenchments
and was there when I got on the field. I saw men standing in
knots talking in the most excited manner. No officer seemed
to be giving any directions. The soldiers had their muskets,
but no ammunition, while there were tons of it close at hand.

I was awakened in the night by confusion in our tent and
horses tramping the frozen snow outside. I was told that
Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner were going to surrender the
army at sunrise next morning. It was said that Forrest was
sent for and told that an overwhelming force had been
extended on the line from the river above Dover, around to
Hickman Creek, below Fort Donelson, and no alternative
remained but a surrender. Forrest notified them that he
would take his men and cut through Grant's lines. He had
notified all the captains of the companies that every member
of the regiment could remain and surrender or follow him
and take the chances of escape. When I got outside and
saddled my horse all were gone. >

I rode in the dark to find the company. There was so
much talking and calling in all directions, I wandered around
for several minutes before I could locate it. I hurried on
and heard the voice of Captain Huey, but before I got to him
I observed a column of cavalry approaching, and rode to see
where it was going". Forrest was at the head. I asked him
if it was true that he was going out. *T am going to try,"
he said. "When will you start. Colonel ?" I asked. "I am
going now," he answered. I hurried to find the company,
I met several and told them I was going with Forrest. I
found the company breaking ranks in confusion. Forrest's
column had passed on. It was a little cloudy and so dark
we must get with him then or get left. I got Isaac M.
Bowers, who said he roused me as he left the tent. We
caught up with Forrest at once.

40 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

After we had gone about a mile there was a halt. An
order was whispered along down the line that there must be
absolute quiet and to close up ranks. We rested here a little
while and again moved forward slowly. No lights were in
view anywhere in the direction of the enemy and yet I judged
we must be nearing their line, from the distance we had come,
and besides we seemed to be moving very cautiously.
Presently there was a strange noise toward the head of the
column. It could soon be understood that the horses in
front were in water, and it was not long till we came to it.
It was in woods and dark as pitch, but in we went, following
the noise ahead of us. The deepest place I struck was about
half way up my saddle skirts. When we reached the other
side the command was going forward in a trot and we closed
up promptly. Day was just breaking. I observed Major
Kelly and a citizen on the roadside after we came out of the
water, at a little distance on the right. They had halted at
the intersection of the road from Cumberland City to Dover.
There were only forty-two of our company, including
Captain Huey, that had followed Forrest. Forrest had only
about half of his regiment.

Colonel Forrest tells the true story of the battle and his
opinion of the surrender was the opinion of the soldiers.
He says in his official report :

During the night I was called into council with the generals
commanding, when it was determined to bring on the attack
the next day by again passing our entrenchments and attacking
the enemy's right.

In the early gray of the morning I moved to the attack, the
cavalry on the left and in the advance. I found the enemy
prepared to receive us, and were again engaged with the sharp-
shooters till our infantry were formed for the attack, the first
gun from the enemy killing a horse in my regiment. General
B. R. Johnson, commanding the left, which now moved to the
front. An obstinate fight of two hours ended in the retreat of
the enemy. The undergrowth was so thick I could scarcely
press my horse through it. Finding that the flank of the enemy

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 41

in retreat was exposed across an open field to my front and left,
I immediately led my cavalry to the field, but found the ground
a marsh, and we were unable to pass it.

The enemy formed in the edge of a second field to our front
and right, and flanking the left of our advancing line of infantry.
We could not move to flank them, but by maneuvering to their
front and right doubtless prevented their attempting a flank
movement on our infantry. Finding that our advancing line of
infantry would cut them off, while the cavalry prevented their
flanking us, they commenced a retreat, accompanied by their
cavalry, which we could now see in the distance, but not par-
ticipating during the day in the fight. Our infantry had now
driven them near a mile, they doggedly disputing the whole
ground, leaving dead and wounded scattered through the woods
and fields up to the ravine. The enemy, leaving their third
position for the first time, retreated in great haste, advancing
by a road through a ravine. I here passed our line of infantry
with my command moving in the center.

I charged the enemy's battery of six guns, which had kept
several of our regiments in check for several hours, killing and
slaughtering a great many of our men. I captured the battery,
killing most of the men and horses. I then immediately moved
on the flank of the enemy, obstinately maintaining their position.
They finally gave way, our infantry and cavalry both charging
them at the same time, committing great slaughter. Moving
still farther to our right, I found a regiment of our infantry in
confusion, which I relieved by charging the enemy to their front.
Here sixty-four of the enemy were found in forty yards square.
General Pillow, coming up, ordered me to charge the enemy in
a ravine. I charged by squadrons, filing the first company of
each squadron to the right, and the second to the left, on reach-
ing the ravine, firing and falling in the rear of the third squad-
ron until the three squadrons had charged. We here completely
routed the enemy, leaving some two hundred dead in the hol-
low, accomplishing what three different regiments had failed
to do. Seeing the enemy's battery to our right about to turn on
us, I now ordered a charge on this battery, from which we drove
the enemy, capturing two guns. Following down the ravine,
captured the third, which they were endeavoring to carry off,
gunners and drivers retreating up the hill. In this charge I
killed about fifty sharpshooters, who were supporting the guns.
I ordered forward a number of scouts, who, returning, informed
me that the enemy, with three guns and three regiments of
infantry, were moving up by the road from Fort Henry, We

42 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

had driven the enemy back without a reverse from the left of
our entrenchments in the center, having opened three different
roads by which we might have retired if the generals had, as was
deemed best in the council the night before, ordered the retreat
of the army. Informing General Pillow of the position the
enemy had taken, he ordered two new regiments and one of the
regiments in the field, with one piece of artillery, to attack the
enemy.

The fight here ended about 2.30 p. m. without any change in
our relative positions. We were employed the remainder of the
evening in gathering up arms, and assisting in getting off the
wounded. I was three times over the battlefield, and late in the
evening was two miles up the river on the road to the ford.
There were none of the enemy in sight when dark came on.
SATURDAY NIGHT OUR TROOPS SLEPT, FLUSHED
WITH VICTORY, AND CONFIDENT THEY COULD
DRIVE THE ENEMY TO THE TENNESSEE RIVER
THE NEXT MORNING.

About 12 o'clock at night I was called in council with the gen-
erals, who had under discussion the surrender of the fort. They
reported that the enemy had received 11,000 reinforcements
since the fight. They supposed the enemy had returned to the
positions they had occupied the day before.

I returned to my quarters and sent out two men, who, going
by a road up the bank of the river, returned without seeing
any of the enemy, only fires, which I believed to he the old camp-
fires, and so stated to the generals; the wind, being very high,
had fanned them into a blaze.

When I returned General Buckner stated he could not hold
his position. Generals Floyd and Pillow gave up the responsi-
bility of the command to him, and I told them that I neither
could nor would surrender my command. General Pillow then
said I could cut my way out if I chose to do so, and he and
General Floyd agreed to come out with me. I got my com-
mand 'ready and reported at headquarters. General Floyd
informed me that General Pillow had left, and that he would
go by boat.

I moved out by the road we had gone out the morning before.
When about a mile out crossed a deep slough from the river,
saddle-skirt deep, and filed into the sand road to Cumberland
Iron Works. I ordered Major Kelly and Adjutant Schuyler
to remain at the point where we entered this road with one
company, where the enemy's cavalry would attack if they
attempted to follow us. They remained until day was dawning.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

Over 500 cavalry had passed, a company of artillery horses had
followed, and a number of men from different regiments,
passing over hard frozen ground. More than two hours had
been occupied in passing. Not a gun had been fired at us.
No enemy had been seen or heard.

The enemy could not have reinvested their former position
without traveling a considerable distance and camped upon the
dead and dying, as there had been great slaughter upon that
portion of the field, and I am clearly of the opinion that two-
thirds of our army could have marched out without loss, and
that, had we continued the fight the next day, we should have
gained a glorious victory, as our troops were in fine spirits,
believing we had whipped them, and the roads through which
we came were open as late as 8 o'clock Sunday morning, as many
of my men, who came out afterwards, report.
*******

N. B. Forrest,
Colonel, Commanding Forrest's Regiment of Cavalry.

CHAPTER IV

Evacuation of Tennessee by Confederates — Battle of Shiloh —
Campaign in Virginia — Buell in North Alabama — Bragg at
Chattanooga — Forrest and Morgan in Buell's rear — Bragg
and Kirby Smith invade Kentucky.

At Nashville there v^as confusion and demoralization.
Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston was here and his army was
arriving from Bowling Green. The soldiers were indignant
and somewhat disheartened on account of the ridiculous sur-
render of the sleeping army at Fort Donelson. Forrest and
the 500 who followed him, to cut through Grant's lines if
necessary, were the heroes of the hour. Everybody wanted
to see Forrest. I saw Floyd and Pillow here and they looked
''pretty cheap."

The next morning Captain Huey moved our company out
the Murfreesboro pike a few miles. The roll call showed
42 present. Our lieutenants had been left at Fort Donelson
and Captain Huey held an election. I was elected first lieu-
tenant. The company being without baggage and camping
utensils was disbanded to secure accommodations and report
at Hunts ville, Alabama, on the 25th.

At Huntsville we met Captain Huey, and going down the
valley were attached permanently to the First Kentucky
Cavalry. Col. Ben Hardin Helm and Lieut-Col. Thomas G.
Woodward were the commanders. Col. Helm's wife was a
sister of Mrs. Abraham Lincoln.

The regiment was encamped near Tuscumbia, guarding
the railroad bridge at Florence and watching the advance
of Buell from Nashville. Meanwhile, the army of General
Johnston had concentrated at Corinth, confronting General
Grant's main body of troops at Pittsburg Landing.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 45

There was great excitement in the regiment when the
news was received that Johnston's army had started from
Corinth to attack Grant. By going to the water's edge at
Tuscumbia Landing, not far from camp, we could distinctly
hear the cannonade during the battle, which was sixty miles
distant by the river. The news of the victory of our army
the first day caused great rejoicing throughout the regiment,
and an eagerness to go to the field. But it looked as if we
were fated to disappointment in our anxiety for actual ex-
perience in battle. The result of the second day's conflict and
the retreat of Beauregard, together with the death of Gen-
eral Johnston, were dispiriting, and yet we felt that our army
got the best of the battle and was safe.

Buell had arrived with thirty thousand troops after the
close of the first day's engagement and saved Grant's army.

The army of General Beauregard finally abandoned
Corinth, and was recuperated and reorganized just south of
Tupelo, Mississippi, where it remained until June. In the
mean time, Colonel Helm had the Florence bridge burned
and broke camp, marching down the valley to Buzzard Roost.
All the regiment left with Helm except Captain Huey's com-
pany. It was detailed for outpost duty below Tuscumbia,
the enemy being at Decatur.

Finally, in May, Brig.-Gen. John Adams came up the val-
ley with a regiment of Texas Rangers commanded by Col.
John A. Wharton, and with the First Kentucky Cavalry just
in the rear. He crossed the Tennessee River at Lamb's Ferry,
and proceeding across the country attacked a garrison
stationed at Hughey's Bridge on the Nashville and Deca-
tur Railroad. Here Huey's company had its first fight.

The enemy was barricaded in a large log barn or stable,
near the bridge, which was inclosed by a rail fence with
stakes and riders. The command dismounted and sur^
rounded the enemy. This was a bloody fight for more than
an hour. Finally we charged the barn on three sides. As
I straddled the top rail of the fence going over, Ida Younger,
at my side, was shot in the forehead and fell outside,

46 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

dead. At this moment the First Kentucky arrived at full
speed, and Captain Noel at the head of his company,
mounted, came through the gate. They at once received the
enemy's fire and Captain Noel was among the killed. The
garrison now surrendered when we were within a few steps
of the barn.

Adams returned now to the Tennessee River, but found
the way blocked by the enemy's infantry and artillery. He
then turned and ran the gauntlet of the garrisons and went
into camp at the foot of the mountains beyond Decherd.
But the second day the enemy approached in pursuit. We
made an all-night ride across the mountains to Swedens
Cove, but to our surprise at about lo o'clock in the forenoon
we discovered that we were nearly surrounded. Adams
and his staff were cut off, but escaped by a mountain path.
The command was stampeded for several miles and then
leisurely proceeded across the Sequatchie Valley ten miles,
and continuing across the mountain arrived before morning
at Chattanooga.

It occurred to Captain Huey's company that we now had
some actual experience in the war. We had been in a hot
fight at close range; we had been marched without sleep
to the* point of starvation, and had been surprised and
stampeded, disgracefully, and all this within five days' time.
But we were not discouraged. We enjoyed everything that
happened.

Our encampment above Chattanooga, a few miles, was
comfortable and prolonged, but without noteworthy inci-
dent. We had nothing to do but think of the war. It
was a bitter memory to recall the action of the generals
in command at Fort Donelson and the death of Albert
Sidney Johnston. And all the news from Middle Tennessee
and Kentucky was distressing.

But having communication with Knoxville and Atlanta
we were still rejoicing over the news from Stonewall Jackson
in the Shenandoah Valley.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 47

Since this campaign of Jackson is omitted (along with
the first and second battles of Manassas) from the "sum-
mary" of the battles of the war by General Buell which is
quoted in Chapter 49, it may be pardonable to sketch it here.

The operations of the armies in Virginia under Stonewall
Jackson, Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston had been
active and had defeated several armies since the first great
victory of Bull Run.

In March, 1862, Stonewall Jackson was near Winchester,
with about 5,000 men of all arms to hold the enemy in that
section. General Shields with over 8,000 men attacked
Jackson a few miles south of Winchester at Kernstown.
After a sanguinary battle which lasted till night, Jackson
retreated up the Valley. General Ewell's division was sent
to reinforce Jackson, which increased the force to about
15,000 of all arms before the first of May.

At this time General Fremont on the west was concen-
trating about 30,000 men at Franklin. He had advanced
General Milroy with about 5,000 men to a point within
forty miles of Staunton, which was Jackson's base.
General Banks with 20,000 men, including the force of
Shields, had established his base at Strasburg, seventy miles
down the Valley from Staunton. General McDowell with
about 35,000 men occupied points immediately east of the
Blue Ridge, where he was in position to enter the Valley
by any of the gaps and march upon Staunton or could march
to the assistance of McClellan on the Chickahominy.

Jackson with his 15,000 men, located at Port Republic
in the early part of May, was thus confronted by three
armies aggregating over 80,000 men. Johnston had con-
centrated about 70,000 men in front of Richmond to contest
the advance of McClellan's army of over 100,000 men.

Jackson suddenly marched through a gap of the Blue
Ridge, and loading his army on the cars went to Staunton.
He immediately marched northwest and fell upon Milroy and
Schenck, within twenty-five miles of Staunton, whom he
defeated and sent flying back on Fremont at Franklin, forty

48 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

miles west. Meanwhile, Jackson had left Gen. Turner Ash-
by with his cavalry to annoy the enemy in the Valley. Jack-
son now fell back toward Harrisonburg in the Valley. He
reached New Market within three days.

He promptly moved, May 23d, upon the forces of General
Banks at Front Royal, which he surprised and routed. This
placed Jackson in the rear of Banks, at Strasburg, who did
not wait, but began at once a retreat to Winchester. Jack-
son struck his flank at Newtown, May 24th, routing the
forces and capturing a large number of prisoners, 9,000
stands of arms, camp equipage, and a great quantity of provi-
sions, ammunition and other army supplies. Jackson
chased Banks through Winchester, where there was an en-
gagement, but Banks went on and crossed the Potomac into
Maryland. A Federal force of 7,000 or 8,000 were fortified
at Harper's Ferry, and Jackson threatened it with assault
long enough for the property captured at Winchester and
Newtown to be removed to Staunton.

Fremont was now marching with about 15,000 men to-
ward Harrisonburg, seventy miles in Jackson's rear, on. the
Valley road to Staunton. Jackson sent Gen. John D. Im-
boden with Ashby's cavalry and some artillery to block the
gap and hold Fremont back. It forced Fremont around to
another gap, but when he got into the Valley and reached
Strasburg, Jackson had just passed, and went on to Har-
risonburg, closely pursued by Fremont. On May 31st John-
ston moved out and attacked McClellan's advance, and the
two days' battle of Seven Pines or Fair Oaks was fought, in
which General Johnston was wounded, though achieving
success. Meanwhile, the Washington authorities were in a
state of terror, and General Shields was sent by McDowell
with a large force to the assistance of Fremont. Jackson
now sent cavalry detachments, which burned all the bridges
on the Shenandoah River, below Port Republic, to prevent
Shields from crossing. The water was now too deep to ford.
He then retreated toward Port Republic with Fremont at
his heels.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 49

At Cross Keys, six miles from Harrisonburg, Jackson
turned suddenly and gave battle, defeating Fremont, who
retreated. Jackson left Ewell here, on the battlefield, with a
force to confront Fremont if he returned. Gen. Turner
Ashby was killed in this battle, June 8th. Jackson summoned
Imboden with his force of artillery and cavalry to Port Re-
public and marched his force to that place. The enemy,
from McDowell's army, had approached from the east and
was encamped near the town on the Lewis farm. Early
next morning Jackson met them at the bridge and drove
the advance back to the encampment. The battle was at
once opened and resulted in a victory for Jackson. The
routed enemy was pursued beyond the defile in the mountain
by forces under General Imboden. Fremont had heard the
noise of the battle and hurried forward from Harrison-
burg, but Ewell falling back had rejoined Jackson and burned
the bridge over the river behind him. When Fremont
arrived on the other side the victory had already been won
by Jackson and the; river could not be crossed.

The battle of Port Republic was fought on the 9th of
June. Thus, beginning with Milroy on the 8th of May,
Jackson had within one month defeated and scattered all
the forces sent against him.

Fremont did not advance, and Jackson, on June 17th,
leaving Generals Imboden and Robertson with a small force
and a battery, passed from the Valley with his troops, and
marching steadily he reached Ashland on the 25th.

On the next morning, June 26th, General Lee's army,
with Jackson's troops composing his left wing, moved
against McClellan and opened the Seven Days' battles, re-
sulting in the discomfiture and retreat of McClellan's army
to Harrison's Landing on the James River. Meanwhile,
just before these engagements began. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart,
the peer of Forrest and Morgan, with his division of cavalry,
had passed around the right flank of McClellan and scattered
everything in his path until he made the complete circuit
of McClellan's army, crossing the Chickahominy below and

50 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

reaching Lee's army in safety. It was upon the strength
of Stuart's observations that Lee decided to attack im-
mediately.

There was little occurring in Mississippi, though we un-
derstood our army was being reorganized and strengthened
under Gen. Braxton Bragg.

The information was received that General Buell was
advancing from Corinth up the Tennessee River in June.
And to our relief the troops from Mississippi began to arrive
by railroad at Chattanooga, and in fact an army was formed
here under General Bragg.

I was sent across the river with fifteen men to establish
a picket post at Suck Creek, five miles from Chattanooga.
There was just room here for the big road between the river
and the foot of the mountain. Just a little distance beyond
the creek the road ascended the mountain. It was twenty
miles across to the Sequatchie Valley, where Buell's ad-
vance was now reported. Soon after I located at Suck
Creek to send scouts daily across the mountain, Colonel For-
rest arrived at Chattanooga with his escort company under
Captain Bill Forrest. He at once organized a brigade com-
posed as follows: Colonel Wharton's Texas Rangers,
Colonel Woodward's First Kentucky, a Georgia regiment
under Colonel Lawton, and a Georgia battalion under
Colonel Morrison.

About the loth of July General Bragg sent Forrest to
Middle Tennessee to attack Buell's line of communications.
At McMinnville Major Smith, with two companies under
Captains Taylor and Waltham, joined Forrest, and his force
now numbered fifteen hundred men. On the 12th, without
artillery, Forrest marched from McMinnville, and at day-
break on the 13th he captured the outposts without firing
a gun and entered Murfreesboro. A superior force under
Gen. T. T. Crittenden was assailed in detail and captured,
Crittenden being taken at a hotel. The official report says
Forrest captured *'two brigadier-generals, staff and field
officers ; burned $200,000 worth of stores ; captured sufficient

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 5l

Stores with those burned to amount to $500,000 ; 60 wagons,
300 mules, 150 to 200 horses, and a field battery of four
pieces." He then returned to McMinnville on account of
the large number of prisoners to be guarded.

About the same time Col. John H. Morgan, who now
had a regiment, left Knoxville and crossed the mountains to
Sparta, then crossed the Cumberland River and began at
Tompkins vi lie, Kentucky, to capture garrisons. He rode
all over central Kentucky, reaching within sixty miles of
Ohio. He drew after him in pursuit 8,000 to 10,000 of the
enemy's cavalry gathered from all parts of Kentucky.

In his official report Colonel Morgan says:

I left Knoxville on the 4th day of this month (July) with
about nine hundred men and returned to Livingston (Tenn.) on
the 28th with nearly twelve hundred, having been absent just
twenty-four days, during which time I have traveled over a
thousand miles, captured seventeen towns, destroyed all the
government supplies and arms in them, dispersed about fifteen
hundred home guards, and paroled nearly twelve hundred
regular troops. I lost in killed, wounded, and missing of the
number that I carried into Kentucky about ninety.

It is important to observe the effect of the operations of
Forrest and Morgan upon the situation of Buell's army.
It is well stated by General Buell himself as follows :

Headquarters, Army of the Ohio.

In Camp, Huntsville, Ala., July 21st, 1862.
General Orders, No. 32 :

On the 13th inst. the army at Murfreesboro, under command
of Brig.-Gen. T. T. Crittenden, late colonel of the Sixth Indiana
Regiment, * * * was captured at that place by a force of
the enemy's cavalry variously estimated from 1,800 to 3,500. It
appears from the best information that can be obtained, that
Brig.-Gen. Crittenden and Colonel Duffield, of the Ninth Mich-
igan, with the six companies of that regiment and all of the
cavalry, were surprised and captured early in the morning in
the houses and streets of the town, or in their camp near by,
with but slight resistance and without any timely warning of
the presence of the enemy. The rest of the force, consisting

52 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

of the Third Minnesota and the artillery under Colonel Lester,
left its camp and took another position, which it maintained with
but few casualties against the feeble attacks of the enemy until
about three o'clock, when it was surrendered and marched into
captivity.

Take it in all its features, few more disgraceful examples
of neglect of duty and lack of good conduct can be found in the
history of wars. It fully merits the extreme penalty which the
law provides for such misconduct. The force was more than
sufficient to repel the attack effectually. The mortification
which the army will feel at the result is poorly compensated
by the exertion made by some — perhaps many — of the officers
to retrieve the disgrace of the surprise. The action fit to be
adopted with reference to those who are blamable, especially
the officers highest in command, cannot be determined without
further investigation.

}|: ^ ^ :{: ^ ^ ^

James B. Fry,
Colonel and Chief of Staff.
By command of Maj.-Gen. Buell.

General Buell says further:

The road from Nashville to Stevenson was completed on
the 1 2th of July, and a train was started the next morning with
supplies for the depot at Stevenson. My attention had been
attracted to the importance of McMinnville as an outpost. It
was at the foot of the mountain on the direct mountain road
between Nashville and Chattanooga, and was the terminus
of a branch railroad, twenty miles east of the Nashville and
Chattanooga Railroad. I had just organized a new brigade at
Murfreesboro to occupy McMinnville. On the morning of the
13th, Forrest, with a large body of cavalry, surprised the
brigade, killed and wounded some and captured the rest, dam-
aged the railroad seriously, and produced alarm in Nashville
where the force was not large.

This was the first appearance of any large body of the enemy
in our rear south of the Cumberland, though Morgan was at
the same time engaged in a formidable raid in Kentucky. Nel-
son was immediately ordered to occupy Murfreesboro and Mc-
Minnville with his division, himself and one brigade going by
railroad. He had just reached Murfreesboro with a portion

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 53

of his troops when Forrest, on the i8th, appeared again on the
railroad between him and Nashville, captured guards, and
destroyed two more bridges.

3)C 3|C 3fC ^ ^ 3|C 3fC

Our communications south of the Cumberland had been made
secure by the distribution of the troops, but to the north the
depredations were prosecuted with increased vigor. Our cav-
alry was totally insufficient to cope with these incursions, which,
it must be said, were seldom resisted by the infantry guards
with vigilance and resolution. On the loth of August, Morgan
again appeared on the railroad north of Nashville, captured the
guard of about 150 men at Gallatin, effectually disabled the tun-
nel north of that place, and destroyed several bridges toward
Nashville. Our communication with Louisville, on which we
were dependent for supplies, was thus, for the present, effectu-
ally severed. Work was immediately commenced to repair the
damage, but the constantly recurring presence of the enemy's
cavalry interfered so effectually as to require a large increase
of force from the front or the rear for the defense.

On the 1 8th a guard of a regiment belonging to Grant's com-
mand was captured without a show of resistance at Clarksville,*
where a considerable quantity of supplies had been deposited
for transshipment in consequence of suspension of navigation
by low water in the Cumberland.

Upon hearing of Morgan's appearance again on the Cumber-
land, north of Nashville, General R. W. Johnson, a spirited
cavalry officer, under whose command I had assembled all the
cavalry that was available, moved promptly in pursuit, and with
his inferior force attacked Morgan vigorously near Hartsville.
Johnson was defeated with a loss of 80 killed and wounded and
75 prisoners, himself among the latter. The rest escaped and
made their way as stragglers or in small bodies to Nashville.

We were now reduced to ten days' rations. Our railroad com-
munication north of Nashville had been broken for twenty days,
and no effort was being made at Louisville to reopen it.

The last week in August Major Clare, of General Hardee's
staff, came over from Chattanooga to my post. He directed
me to break up camp and accompany him across the moun-
tain to find out if Buell's army was still at Battle Creek and

♦Captured by Col. Adam R. Johnson.

54 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Jasper. We reached the Sequatchie Valley about sunset and
learned positively that no change had occurred in the posi-
tion of the enemy. Major Clare left me here with Rolla
Humphrey to remain another day, while he returned with
the rest of my men.

I secured all the information possible the next day, and
starting about dark across the mountain, reached Chatta-
nooga at sunrise. Here to my surprise I found that Bragg's
army, about 28,000 troops, had crossed the river and marched
over the Walden Ridge toward Nashville, and that Kirby
Smith had already entered Kentucky from Knoxville with
about 20,000 men. Bragg had finished crossing on the 30th.

I at once started on the trail of Bragg's army. I was
joined by Dr. J. B. Cowan, medical director on Forrest's
staff. He had been left in Mississippi. We traveled to-
gether to Burkesville, Kentucky, where he stopped to go
another route. I found the army at Bardstown and rejoined
my company. Captain Huey had not lost a man on the
expedition.

Bragg had taken Forrest's brigade and Wheeler was now
in command of all the cavalry.

CHAPTER V
Battle of Perryville — Bragg and Smith evacuate Kentucky.

General Wheeler had guarded the front during the ex-
pedition and now reported the advance of Buell's army
from Louisville.

On the 2d of October the army began to move and marched
on the Springfield pike at an early hour in the morning.
We passed through Springfield and on to Perryville, where
we camped. After some delay here next day we took the
pike to Harrodsburg and went into camp just beyond in
a large woodland along a small creek. We were now going
directly toward Lexington from Perryville and the army
was happy. It was rumored in camp that Bragg and Kirby
Smith would unite their forces and a great battle would
follow.

I moved around among the infantry awhile to talk with
some of those who had fought at Shiloh. I happened upon
a mess composed of several officers and privates from
Louisiana. Maj. J. E. Austin was in the party. He told me
he commanded the 14th Louisiana battalion of sharpshooters.
The interview was cut short, however. An order came to
get ready to march. It was then 10 o'clock at night. I
hurried back to my own company.

We passed through Harrodsburg about 12 or i o'clock,
and to my surprise were in sight of Perryville again by sun-
up. We halted and our company dismounted and rested
on the roadside while eating a lunch and napping. I learned
that our cavalry, under Colonel Wheeler, had been fighting
the enemy beyond Perryville on the Springfield road in the
afternoon before. And this morning there was more or less
firing in that direction. It was obvious that our infantry

56 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

was being formed over on the right of the pike in line of
battle. The artillery was also leaving the pike on that side.
Captain Huey came up the pike from the direction of Perry-
ville and notified the company that we had been detailed
as an escort for Gen. Patton Anderson, who was command-
ing a division, and that a battle was imminent. There was
disgust in the company over the arrangement.

I went to Captain Huey and told him that I wanted to go
and get with Major Austin's sharpshooters and go into the
battle. He objected until I insisted that I did not want it
said that I had been in the army a year without having
fought in a battle. I reminded him that our one year ex-
pired in two weeks. I dropped in the rear as the company
moved off toward Perryville. I then worked along, through
different commands, inquiring for the headquarters of Gen.
Dan W. Adams. When I found him he pointed out the
locality where I would find Major Austin. The Major was
delighted to see me. I told him the circumstances that
caused me to come to him. I proposed that he ride my
horse and let me go as a sharpshooter. He promptly in-
stalled me in his mess. I was furnished with the rifle and
ammunition of one of his men who was too ill for duty.

About noon General Adams sent for Major Austin. On
his return the battalion was ordered under arms and in line.
I surveyed the surrounding commands and saw there was
a general formation. I could not see any of the enemy in
sight, and a sharp firing to the left was the only indication
that any was near. The battalion was soon ready and Major
Austin mounted my horse and marched forward two or three
hundred yards through a timbered pasture in which there
was considerable brush and a good many stumps. We were
then halted. I also observed other battalions or parts of
regiments were going forward like ours. We were de-
ployed about twenty yards apart so that our line covered the
front of General Adams's brigade. Major Austin ordered
the line forward. In a few minutes the enemy's cannon
opened up and was soon firing all along the line.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 57

We were now getting close enough to see that the Fed-
eral line extended away to the right with a gap to the left.
When we were within about four hundred yards of their line
of battle, the enemy's sharpshooters opened fire on us from
behind trees and stumps, and all along the front of their
line, which was a long distance in both directions, but
we moved on as though nothing had happened. The
sharpshooters of the enemy continued their fire while we
were halted, but our line was close behind us now, and
suddenly the brass bands broke loose and filled the woods
full of music, the troops began to cheer and the enemy's
artillery began to roar. Major Austin ordered our line
to move and with a yell we went forward. The sharp-
shooters fired at us once more and then ran. We were halted
to fire, and after one shot the battalion was formed in line
within a hundred yards of the creek. The fight was already
raging to the right and away to the left and the whole army
was cheering. We then went forward. As we neared the
creek the enemy's infantry line opened fire on us. Major
Austin ordered us to go double-quick to a rock fence. The
creek had some water in it but was easily crossed and we
went to the fence under fire. A perfect storm of bullets
was rained on us, or rather on the fence.

Our own artillery was now pouring a continuous storm
of shot and shell on the enemy's infantry line and the
battle was hot from end to end. Major Austin, galloping
to our left, ordered us to double-quick straight down to
the left and right-face to the enemy. Then he yelled
"Charge!" It was a clean spot of ground outside of the
farm between the creek and the enemy. We went yelling
about half way, aiming to flank the enemy at a large bam.
Major Austin was right along on my horse. I did not see
how he escaped. The fire in front of us and from both flanks
was too hot and Major Austin ordered us back behind the
rock fence. A number of our men fell in the five minutes
we were out there. But in a moment General Adams, with

58 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

four regiments, crossed the creek to the left, and we were
ordered to go out to the same spot again, and did, when
Adams brought his Hne even with us.

Meanwhile, the large barn across the orchard had been
set on fire by the shells from our cannon. We went for-
ward in Adams's line, all walking and firing as we went.
The enemy broke on the left of the barn from us and General
Adams pushed his men forward. We pressed the enemy
back. Their line was still standing from the barn on to the
dwelling-house, but our whole line was right up against
them. Major Austin turned us to the right, in the rear of
the line behind the orchard, and the enemy gave way in a
disorderly retreat, as did the line down to our left. We
were in a cornfield, but the cornstalks were cut and shocked.
A ridge ran about the middle, parallel with the creek or
front. There was about the same slope from the crest of
the ridge to the rear as to the creek. We got to the top
of the ridge about the time the enemy got over the back
fence of the field and squatted behind it. Many of them
went on that the officers could not rally. We were about
seventy-five yards from the fence in the open, General
Adams's whole brigade being in line. We had been firing
all the time at thirty to fifty yards' range, but the losses were
all on their side after we passed the barn.

General Adams now ordered us to lie down and shoot.
He and Major Austin were riding up and down our line
while we exchanged volley after volley with the enemy.
But our whole army was driving the enemy to the right and
left and General Adams ordered a charge. Austin rode
with us bareheaded and waving his hat. He was a charmed
target. The enemy gave way in disorder, going down
for fifty yards and then up a hill in a clean woods pas-
ture. They were in a drove now like a flock of sheep, and
we could not miss such a dense crowd. The poor fellows
fell like leaves from trees in the fall of the year. It seemed
to me that half of them were left on the ground in that pas-
ture. We were now veered to the right and helped drive a

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 59

force posted behind a fence. This ended in our favor, and
as we pressed forward the right of our battalion rested on a
lane. I with others went along this lane in line, but now
everything in front of us seemed to be routed. Reinforce-
ments came up on the other side and we ran into another
fight in a skirt of woods. Here we won again, capturing a
lot of cannon and some prisoners.

The battle, in the mean while, was a perfect storm, the
sound of musketry never ceasing and the roar of cannon
rolling without a break. And the yelling was continuous
along the line of our army. We had passed through camps
and over the dead and dying. Loose horses were running in
all directions and wounded men were crying for help. There
were halts and moves forward, but not as hard or hot fight-
ing, except near another house on the lane, after the first
two hours, as the enemy continued to give way, leaving a
waste of everything behind that a soldier carries in battle.
The sun had gone down and there was a lull all along the
line. Our battalion had got somewhat mixed with other
men in crossing or going around lots and I got separated
from the main part, but six or eight were with me. When
the order came to fall back we were in rather thick woods and
I could not see Major Austin anywhere. We went on back
with the line, which began to straggle along. Every one
was hungry and thirsty. It must have been a mile or more,
over the horrible battlefield, to the creek.

It was understood that the battle would be renewed the
following morning. Major Austin waked me late in the
night and told me we were ordered to march. We reached
the Harrodsburg turnpike, a mile from Perryville, soon
after daylight. There was considerable skirmishing beyond
Perryville some distance toward Springfield and Danville.

The formation of brigades and divisions began to indicate
a battle on different ground. However, we broke ranks later
in the day and resumed the march to Harrodsburg. Taking
leave of Major Austin and his friends I mounted my horse
and made my way along the pike to rejoin my company.

60 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

I camped along with different commands where I could get
forage for my horse, and did not overtake Captain Huey's
company for several days. We retreated through Lancaster,
Crab Orchard, Mt. Vernon, London, Barboursville and Pine-
ville. There was a pause for battle at Crab Orchard, but
the retreat was continued without anything of special in-
terest, moving leisurely along over the mountain at Cumber-
land Gap. The troops were weary and disappointed, and
there was no cheering when generals passed along the col-
umn. They could not understand why Bragg and Smith
with about 50,000 men had marched into Kentucky and
were marching out again.

CHAPTER VI

Breckinridge at Murfreesboro — Forrest at Franklin — ^Johnson
and Martin in western Kentucky — John W. Foster levies on
citizens to reimburse Union men.

We were in camp at Knoxville two days before the ar-
rangement was made to muster the company of Captain
Huey out of the service. There were none who wanted to
reorganize and reenlist to continue the experience of the
past year. All wanted to get with Morgan.

Our exalted ideas in the beginning, of generals command-
ing armies, had changed. The commanders at Fort Don-
elson, Beauregard at Shiloh, and Bragg and Smith in Ken-
tucky had taxed our patience. Forrest and Morgan had
been the campaigners. Morgan had been the first man in
history to raid far in the rear of the enemy's great armies
and successfully defy overwhelming numbers.

The infantry soldiers felt that they had never gotten the
worst of a battle and could not understand how Buell with
60,000, including fresh drafted men, could frighten Bragg
and Smith out of Kentucky when they had nearly 50,000
men.

I agreed with both soldiers and citizens at this time, that
our cause was lost, by poor generalship in the West, unless
the independence of the Confederate States should be
acknowledged by England and France.

I started from Knoxville with Isaac M. Bowers as my
companion. We had agreed to go through to our homes in
western Kentucky for a new outfit, see our families, and
then get with Adam Johnson's regiment or go to Morgan.

We found Gen. John C. Breckinridge with a division at
Murfreesboro. At Franklin we found Forrest with a bri-

62 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

gade of cavalry. At Charlotte we reached the danger line.
We proceeded to the home of Mrs. Batson on Barton's Creek
and got a guide to go through the "coalings" for miles, to
reach Palmyra, where we crossed the Cumberland. It was
necessary now to travel paths and wagon-ways to avoid the
cavalry of the enemy which scouted from the county-seats.
But we reached our homes in safety. Our parents lived
six miles apart in Hopkins County. However, the family
could not keep my return a secret, on which I depended for
safety. The citizens of this whole county were divided into
friends and enemies, and the feeling was bitter. Every man
and woman was either "Secesh" or "Lincolnite." There had
been exciting times in all this section since early spring until
October.

Adam R. Johnson and Robert M. Martin, two scouts,
for General Floyd at Fort Donelson, and for General
Breckinridge at Shiloh, came into this section and began to
recruit soldiers and organize a command. Martin was a
young merchant at Carlow, four miles from Dixon, the
county-seat of Webster County, on the road from Dixon to
Henderson. Johnson was a native of Henderson but had
lived in Texas several years immediately preceding the war.

When they had recruited twenty-seven men they went
about boldly, and were chased by Federal cavalry from one
county to another, but always managed to escape. Being
hotly pressed, Johnson and Martin managed to slip across
Green River above Spottsville, in Henderson County. They
learned that there was a force of infantry at Newburg, Indi-
ana, just above the mouth of Green River, and with their
force of twenty-seven men were piloted through the wooded
bottom-lands of the Ohio River on the Kentucky side to a
point opposite Newburg. They mounted a piece of stove
pipe two joints long on the hind part of a wagon and put it
in position to fire on Newburg. The twenty-seven men
were openly displayed around the artillery, moving back and
forth from the open space into the woods to make the im-
pression that a strong force was at hand. Johnson and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 63

Martin, and Amphletis Owen took a skiff with an oarsman
and crossed over to Newburg with a flag" of truce. The
Federal garrison gathered at the wharf, when the party-
landed, to see what on earth could be the matter. Johnson
asked for the commander, who presented himself. They
then notified him that Col. Adam R. Johnson was across
the river with artillery and a large force and demanded the
surrender of the garrison, otherwise he would shell and
destroy the town of Newburg. A great many citizens had
gathered in the crowd and were panic-stricken over the
prospect. After parleying for some time the terms of sur-
render were agreed to, being largely influenced by prominent
citizens to save the town, and the ferry-boat was carried
over to bring the men across to take charge of the arms.

Meanwhile, Johnson, Martin, and Owen guarded the stack
of arms and equipments of every description. The ferry soon
returned with the men, and the boat'being loaded with every-
thing Johnson and Martin wanted, the remainder of the
spoils were destroyed. The captain and his men were
paroled, when Johnson, Martin, and Owen, taking friendly
leave, entered their skiff and were rowed to the Kentucky
shore. They got a light wagon and before the next day had
dawned were far up Green River in its wildest woods, where
the surplus was secreted, and the Httle band was soon on
the other side of the river, loaded with all they could carry.

The fame of this exploit spread rapidly, and the restless
Southern spirits were hunting everywhere for Johnson and
Martin to join their command. Within a short time their
force had grown to several hundred, and companies were
being secretly organized in several counties to enlist with
the proposed regiment. In a brief period a regiment was
actually organized, with Adam R. Johnson as colonel and
Robert M. Martin, lieutenant-colonel, and practically occu-
pied the counties of Hopkins, Muhlenburg, McLean, Daviess,
Henderson, Union, Webster, and Christian, at will, outside
the county-seats, where Federal garrisons were in force too
strong to capture.

64 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

During the summer Johnson and Martin attacked and
captured many garrisons and scouting commands. It was
their tactics to surprise the enemy and never be surprised.
Colonel Johnson was awakened one night by a messenger
with the news that Col. James M. Shackelford, commanding
a force of Federal cavalry, had left Madisonville to attack
the camp. Johnson at once mounted his command and de-
parted.

Colonel Shackelford reached the point early in the fore-
noon and found a deserted camp. He rested here to feed
his horses, and in a little while the Rebel citizens began to slip
across the waters of Wiers Creek flats, to Johnson's camp on
Walnut Hill, loaded with breakfast for Johnson's men. One
by one they were unloaded and pointed to a spot selected for
prisoners. Up to the time Shackelford was ready to move
he had caught about twenty of these patriotic Southerners in
his net.

The next day Colonel Johnson's regiment was thirty-five
miles away, beyond Morganfield, and at daybreak the follow-
ing morning surrounded and captured the garrison at Union-
town, on the Ohio River.

Colonel Shackelford heard of this event and went in pur-
suit. When he reached the locality Colonel Johnson had
retired to a secluded dense woods around Geiger's Lake in
Union County. Shackelford moved with his command
upon the Confederate rendezvous and an engagement ensued
in which Colonel Shackelford was shot in the heel. Johnson
escaped with his command in good order and without loss,
eluding immediate pursuit. Colonel Johnson attacked the
garrison at Clarksville, Tennessee, capturing Colonel Mason
and his regiment, with an immense quantity of army sup-
plies stored there for shipment by railroad to General Grant
at Oxford, Mississippi.

With reference to this affair General Grant says :

On the 22d, Col. Rodney Mason surrendered Clarksville with
six companies of his regiment.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 65

When he was summoned to surrender by a band of guerrillas,
his constitutional weakness came over him. He inquired the
number of men the enemy had, and receiving a response indi-
cating a force greater than his own he said if he could be
satisfied of that fact he would surrender. Arrangements were
made for him to count the guerrillas, and having satisfied him-
self that the enemy had the greater force he surrendered and
informed his subordinate at Donelson of the fact, advising him
to do the same. The guerrillas paroled their prisoners and
moved upon Donelson, but the officer in command at that point
marched out to meet them and drove them away.

The daring and successful operation of this force, for six
months, 250 miles in the rear of Grant's army in north Mis-
sissippi, and of Buell's at and east of Huntsville, Alabama,
kept alive the spirits of the friends of the South and terror-
ized the Union element all over this section of Kentucky
between the Cumberland and Green rivers and west of the
Louisville and Nashville Railroad to the Ohio River. It was
the first anyhow, and perhaps the only regiment that ever
boldly occupied territory far in the rear of the Federal armies.

After the battle of Perryville Col. John H. Morgan swept
down toward western Kentucky as far as Hopkinsville.
Colonel Johnson now followed on out to Middle Tennessee
after the retreat of Bragg's army from Kentucky, and
attached his regiment to Morgan's forces and commanded
one of the brigades on the Ohio raid in 1863.

The Federals were now in undisputed possession and vis-
ited retribution upon the "Secesh" citizens. Colonel John
W. Foster* of Evansville, Indiana, with an Indiana regi-
ment occupied Madisonville and notified all Southern sym-
pathizers in the county of any standing to report at his head-
quarters. These were required to pay an assessment of $100
to $500 on the spot or go to prison. My father and next
younger brother, only sixteen years old, were required to go.
My father was assessed $200 for himself and $100 for my

♦Resided at Washington, D. C, 1905. He was Secretary of State in
President Harrison's Cabinet, having been Minister to Mexico and
Russia.

66 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

brother and both required to take a non-combatant's oath.
The receipt for the money recited that it was collected to re-
imburse Union men who had lost horses or provisions by
the depredations of guerrillas. The Union men were boldly
riding around with the squads of cavalry to summon citizens
to Foster's headquarters at Madisonville.

This was the condition of affairs I found to exist, and I
could not remain. I sent a message to Bowers. After be-
ing equipped with clothing-, etc., I rode my father's best
horse away to the South again. I started at sunset through
the woods, reaching the house of Wm. Mills, an enthusi-
astic friend, and spent the night. The next day I crossed
Tradewater at White's Mill and reached Allen Baker's,
where I found Bowers. We started after supper and traveled
all night by our now familiar route to a point near Palmyra.
We learned, however, that a garrison of Federals was now
stationed at Palmyra. We were directed to the right and
arrived at the house of Squire Fletcher a while before sun-
down. Fletcher went with us by a blind path around Mrs.
Outlaw's place to the river bank, and shouted across to a
man named Murray who lived in a cabin surrounded by
timber on the opposite bank. Murray came over with his
skiff. We stripped our horses and put our luggage in the
skiff. Then getting in we led our horses into the water by
halters and pushed out, swimming our horses on the upper
side.

At the house of Mr. Dickson, in Charlotte, we met our
old friend John B. Walker of Madisonville, Kentucky, who
was a refugee. His wife and two daughters, Mary and
Blanche, were with him for a brief visit.

We left Charlotte the next day and stopped a while in the
afternoon at Franklin. Forrest's command still occupied
the same position, but he was commanding a brigade of four
regiments now, and one or two smaller commands, besides
a battery. And this fine brigade had been recruited since
Forrest returned from Kentucky, two months before, one
each by Col. James W. Starnes, Col. George G. Dibrell, and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 67

Col. J. B. Biffle of Tennessee, and one from Alabama, by
Col. A. A. Russell, which included four companies of Foi-
rest's original regiment, that had been with him at Sacra-
mento, Donelson, and Shiloh.

We were greatly tempted to enlist here with Forrest, but
concluded to go and enter the Kentucky command of Mor-
gan, which we learned was now on the other side of Mur-
freesboro, to which point we then proceeded.

CHAPTER VII

Bragg's army at Murfreesboro — Secret service for General
Bragg — Purchases at Lafayette, Kentucky — Surprise, flight,
and narrow escape — Battle at Murfreesboro — Discontent in
the army and feeling against General Bragg — Col. R. C.
Tyler wounded — Death of Tyler — Bragg and his generals.

At Murfreesboro we found all the commotion incident to
a great army. The army of General Bragg had been concen-
trated here. Among our old acquaintances Bowers met
Maj. James M. Hawkins, commissary on the staff of Maj.-
Gen. Frank Cheatham. In the afternoon, when we were
about ready to start in the direction of Morgan, Major
Hawkins met us and I was introduced. He told Bowers
he had just come from Col. Robert C. Tyler of Nashville,
who was provost-general of the army, and wanted to know
how it would suit us to enter the secret service for General
Bragg and scout in the direction of Clarksville. After dis-
cussing the question for a while we went with Hawkins to
see Colonel Tyler. It was finally agreed that we would
undertake the service, it being understood that we should
continue to represent ourselves as discharged soldiers from
Kentucky, as a matter of protection in case of capture. And
to further conceal our character we should endeavor to bring
out contraband goods of any kind that would be useful, and
Hawkins would help us sell them at headquarters and
otherwise so as to pay expenses.

At this period it was almost impossible to purchase a
pocket-knife, tooth-brush, comb, suspenders, handkerchief,
or any of the real necessary articles used by the soldiers or
people. There was no such thing as tea or coffee. Sub-
stitutes for coffee were made of sweet potatoes, rye, and
wheat. Colonel Tyler issued each of us a pass "B}' order

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 69

of General Bragg," attested by himself as provost-general.
We were thus authorized to pass through the lines of Bragg's
army at will. It was agreed that Hawkins should receive
one-third of the net profits of the articles we might bring out.

Our general instructions from Colonel Tyler were that we
should go as near Nashville as possible, on both sides of the
Cumberland River, below the city, and all important news
should be reported to Forrest or the commander of the post
at Franklin, who would forward our report promptly to
Bragg or Tyler, except when we should have supplies to
bring through. Tyler proposed to notify Forrest of our
mission and gave us a note to him, that was to be then de-
stroyed, so that no writings would exist on the subject that
might implicate us in the event of falling into the enemy's
hands.

We hurried on to Franklin and had the good luck to find
General Forrest in town. He was now a brigadier-general.
He read the note from Tyler and tore it up. We briefly told
him our business and promised to keep him posted as we
passed back and forth, then hastened on through Char-
lotte to Mrs. Batson's. Here we learned from reliable citi-
zens that the Federal company which had been stationed
at Palmyra had gone to Clarksville, which left the river
without a garrison between Clarksville and Dover. Scout-
ing bodies of cavalry had made several trips to this locality
from Clarksville within a week, arresting a number of ref-
ugees and soldiers. And another from Dover had been along
Yellow Creek some eight miles away.

Bowers and I went through the "coalings" to Palmyra,
and finding the situation clear we concluded to go across
and on to Lafayette, Kentucky, where we could perhaps find
a supply of such articles as we wished to buy. We made the
trip, reaching the town just after dark. It had been learned
that Horace Kelly carried a large stock of goods and was a
strong Union man. So we introduced ourselves as Union
men, from Stewart County, Tennessee, and ten miles from
Dover. He cheerfully sold us anything we wanted. We

70 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

invested $175 in silk handkerchiefs, suspenders, gents' hose,
pocket-knives, pins, needles, combs, buttons, etc., each filling
a two and a half bushel cotton sack. These we put across
our saddles like a turn of corn was carried to mill in old
times. We crossed over at Palmyra, and hurrying through
the "coalings" arrived safely at Mrs. Batson's. Somewhat
weary from the journey we concluded to rest a day. Misses
Rebecca Abernathy and Dora Watkins were here when we
arrived but soon departed. However, Mrs. Batson invited
them to meet one or two others and spend the following
day at her house, we agreeing and proposing to remain to
meet the company.

The next forenoon we were in the parlor awaiting the
expected company, when Mrs. Batson appeared at the door,
saying, "Yonder comes the Yankees." Bowers and I ran out
into the hall and saw a company coming in a gallop up the
lane in front about one hundred yards from the house. We
went bareheaded out the back door and into the orchard
and a little up hill across it to the woods. The distance from
the back gate of the yard was near two hundred yards.
When we were half way Bowers was perhaps ten steps ahead
of me, as he could run the fastest. I was nearly out of
breath. I heard the enemy behind, and looking back saw
they were on each side of the house, throwing down the
fence to get inside the orchard. When I got on the fence
to go over. Bowers was out in the woods going like a deer,
and the enemy shouting "Halt!" was coming at full speed
not more than one hundred yards behind me now and gaining
fast. The woods appeared naked and I felt that there was
no escape. Just outside the fence wild weeds had grown up
between it and the woods, and going through this strip six
or eight steps I ducked and ran to the right about thirty
feet and then crawled back to the fence, where I lay as
close as possible alongside the bottom rail. The pursuers
made a gap in the fence where we got over and rushed
forward into the woods. They were gone a long time, and
when I heard them returning it appeared they were coming

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 71

direct to my location. But they struck the fence I judged
about seventy-five feet on the other side of me from the
gap. There they made another gap into the orchard and
went on back to the house. One or two rode along on the
opposite side of the fence from me. They could hardly
have seen me if they had looked down, as the rails from
their view-point obstructed the cracks, while I peeped up
into their faces not more than ten feet away.

I could not determine whether they had Bowers or not,
as part of their force went back on the outside around be-
yond the negro cabins. I saw several of them go out into the
stable lot, and presently they came out with our horses,
saddled. After searching the house and getting our saddle-
bags, but not our sacks of goods, they fell into ranks and
rode off to the left toward the Clarksville road. Just as
they passed the orchard they shouted, "Good-by, boys!"
This indicated that Bowers also was safe. There were about
forty in the company. I got up and looked all around but
saw nothing of Bowers. Presently I heard his signal, a
peculiar whistle, and went to him. He was in the top of a
large fallen tree, where he had concealed himself under the
piles of dead leaves on the ground, though several of the
cavalrymen had ridden within a few feet of him.

We secured horses and saddles in the neighborhood at rea-
sonable prices and hurried through to Murfreesboro, and
quickly disposing of our merchandise we returned to Mrs.
Batson's without incident. A man named Dickerson had a
somewhat run-down country store on Barton's Creek two
miles distant. It was found that he had a stock of canned
pine-apples, cove oysters, sardines, pepper, spice and ginger
not ground ; a lot of hammers, hinges and other hardware ; a
few hats and other useful articles, in the army. We bought a
two-horse wagon load, with Confederate mone}^, and hired a
man to haul the load to Murfreesboro for $50 in Confederate
money. Bowers went to Charlotte to hear from Nashville, only
thirty miles away, and learned that a battle was being fought
at Murfreesboro. Some one had brought the news from

72 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Franklin to Charlotte. He went on far enough to learn that
the battle lasted two days and that Bragg was falling back.
We then turned our team and went to Columbia, from where
we sent our teamster home.

At Columbia we found that Forrest's brigade was en-
camped near by and just returned from his famous raid into
West Tennessee. The Federals now occupied Franklin,
Triune and Murfreesboro, while Bragg's army was located
at Tullahoma, with his advance posted north of Shelbyville.
We hired a team from Mr. Miles Mays and hurried forward
through Farmington to Shelbyville. We secured board for
a few days at the residence of Dr. Blakemore, until we could
dispose of our load, which, with the aid of Major Hawkins,
was readily done at a large profit.

We learned that the battle of Murfreesboro was the same
old story, of winning the victory and then a retreat. It was
Shiloh and Perry ville over again. The spirit of the army
was unbroken, but there was a universal clamor for the
removal of Bragg.

Major Hawkins advised us that the army would hold the
line of Shelbyville and it was agreed that we should return
to the "neutral zone" and endeavor to get in communica-
tion with Nashville, on the other side, through citizens who
might go inside the lines.

We were sorry to learn from Major Hawkins that our
friend Col. Robert C. Tyler, commanding his Tennessee
regiment, in the battle, was seriously wounded and a leg
had been amputated. It was never our pleasure to meet him
again, though he recovered and was made a brigadier-gen-
eral. He was killed in one of the last fights of the war at
West Point, Georgia.*

*"About one hundred and forty-five old war-worn soldiers were at
the hospital at West Point, Ga., on the i6th of April, 1865, totally uncon-
scious of General Lee's surrender on the 9th inst. General Tyler, of
Tennessee, who had lost a leg at Murfreesboro, was also there sick.
About a dozen of Waller's Charleston, South Carolina, battery, and
fourteen of the Coupee, Louisiana, battery were also there. When the
report came that Colonel Griffin, with two regiments of Wilson's Federal
cavalry, a battery, and two thousand men, was marching on them, Gen-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 73

The following authentic correspondence is given as show-
ing that the discontent in the Army of Tennessee and of the
citizens was recognized and definitely stated to General
Bragg by the brigade and division commanders of his army.

Headquarters Army of Tennessee.

TuLLAHOMA, Tenn., January ii, 1863.

General : Finding myself assailed in private and public, by
the press, in private circles by officers and citizens, for the
movement from Murfreesboro, which was resisted by me for
some time after advised by my corps and division commanders,
and only adopted after hearing of the enemy's reinforcements
by large numbers from Kentucky, it becomes necessary for me
to save my fair name, if I cannot stop the deluge of abuse
which will destroy my usefulness and demoralize this army.
It has come to my knowledge that many of these accusations
and insinuations are from staff-officers of my generals, who
persistently assert that the movement was made against the
opinion and advice of their chiefs, and while the enemy was in
full retreat. False or true, the soldiers have no means of
judging me rightly or getting the facts, and the effect on them
will be the same — a loss of confidence and a consequent demor-
alization of the whole army. It is only through my generals
that I can establish the facts as they exist. Unanimous as you
were in council in verbally advising a retrograde movement, I
can not doubt but that you will cheerfully attest the same in
writing. I desire that you will consult your subordinate com-
manders and be candid with me, as I have always endeavor d
to prove myself with you. If I have misunderstood your advice
and acted against your opinions, let me know it in justice to
yourselves. If, on the contrary, I am the victim of unjust
accusations, say so, and unite with me in staying the malignant
slanders being propagated by men who have felt the sting
of discipline.

General Smith has been called to Richmond, it is supposed,
with a view to supersede me. I shall retire without a regret

eral Tyler got out on his crutches and commanded all the old soldiers
present, who could stand up, to fall in line of battle. He threw up some
hasty breastworks, and divided the ammunition among the men, which
amounted to forty-three rounds apiece. The enemy charged and were
repulsed. General Tyler hobbled on his crutches along his lines, encour-
aging his men to stand their ground and never surrender. He took no
thought of himself. Seven of his men were killed. The enemy repeated
their charge and were driven back again, and commenced firing from a

74 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

if I find I have lost the good opinion of my generals, upon whom
I have ever relied as upon a foundation of rock.

Your early attention is most desirable, and urgently solicited.
Most respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

Braxton Bragg,

General C. S. A.

I enclose copies of a joint note, received about 2 o'clock a. m.,
from Major-Generals Cheatham and Withers, on the night
before we retired from Murfreesboro, with Lieutenant-General
Polk's indorsement and my own verbal reply to Lieutenant
Richmond, General Polk's aide-de-camp.

B. B.
Lieut.-General Hardee,

Commanding Hardee's Corps.

TuLLAHOMA, Tenn., 1 2th January, 1863.
General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your note of yesterday, in which, after informing me of the
assaults to which you are subjected, you invoke a response in
regard to the propriety of the recent retreat from Murfrees-
boro, and request me to consult my subordinate commanders
in reference to the topics to which you refer.

;fc »|c ^ ^ ^ H( ^

You also request me to consult my subordinate commanders,
stating that General Smith has been called to Richmond with
the view, it was supposed, to supersede you — and that you will
retire without regret if you have lost the good opinion of your
generals, upon whom you have ever relied as upon a foundation
of rock. I have conferred with Major-General Breckinridge
and Major-General Cleburne in regard to this matter, and I feel
that frankness compels me to say that the general officers whose
judgment you have invoked are unanimous in the opinion that a
change in the command of this army is necessary. In this
opinion I concur. I feel assured that this opinion is consid-
erately formed, and with the highest respect for the purity of

distance. First Sergeant Hearn, the only man there of the First Louisi-
ana Infantry Regulars, C. S. A., who was then sick and wounded in the
leg, had his arm shot off. A Minie ball struck the noble old General
Tyler, who was standing a few paces in the rear of the Sergeant, and
passed through the center of the forehead, killing hirn instantly. Then
Captain Gonzales, of Pensacola, fell. Colonel Gillespie then took com-
mand and fought with this little remnant of the Confederacy till their
ammunition gave out, and the Federals, finding, there was no return to
their fire, charged over the works and their brave defenders. They

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 75

your motives, your energy and your personal character; but
they are convinced, as you must feel, that the peril of the
country is superior to all considerations. You state that the
staff officers of your generals, joining in the public and private
clamor, have within your knowledge persistently asserted that
the retreat was made against the opinion and advice of their
chiefs. I have made inquiries of the gentlemen associated
with me, and they informed me that such statements have not
been made or circulated by them. I have the honor. General,
to assure you of my continued respect and consideration, and
to remain. Your obedient servant,

W. J. Hardee,

Lieutenant-General.

Official.

T. B. Roy, Chief of Staff.

Indorsed : Letter to General Bragg.

then heard for the first time, from their captors, that they were fighting
after the war was over. Their loss was about twenty killed and
wounded ; the enemy's about forty-five.

"The Federals, on finding who they were fighting, took good care of
the wounded and returned the sick to the hospital. There was not a
man among them who had not borne the hardships of four years of war,
and had faced death in many shapes. This was only a little skirmish ;
nobody has ever thought it worth while to mention it till now, some
twenty years after. This tale is told by one of the old boys." (F. L.
Richardson, in Southern Bivouac, 1885.)

CHAPTER VIII

Situation changed in "neutral zone" — Secret negotiations with
the Federal commander at Clarksville — Surprised at Mrs.
Batson's — Capture and escape — Another narrow escape —
Escape of Bowers from prison at Clarksville.

On the way to Columbia we overtook Captain Bill Forrest,
at Farmington, near Duck River, who had been north of it
with his scouts, as far as Triune, He said the Federals were
encamped at Nolensville on the pike to Nashville. At Co-
lumbia we found that the entire command of General Forrest
was encamped, with the Federal advance posted at Franklin.

We found the situation somewhat changed when we
arrived in the neighborhood of Charlotte. Several scouting
commands from Clarksville had been scouring the country,
one of them coming to Charlotte. A number of Confeder-
ates, at home on furlough, were hiding in the secluded places
of every neighborhood. And there were a few parties of
"Partisan Rangers" organized, that had been annoying the
garrison at Dover. One of them was under command of a
Captain Ray, of McLean County, Kentucky, and made its
rendezvous on Yellow Creek, some fifteen miles from Char-
lotte. And the Confederate conscript officers had been at work
in the "neutral zone." These different attractions had been
receiving attention from the Federal commanders at Dover
and Clarksville.

In our absence Mr. Walker had been down to Mr. Rus-
sell's, near Palmyra. Russell as a Union man had been twice
to Clarksville and had managed to get into the confidence of
the commander of the garrison and post. He thought he
could arrange with him to bring a supply of articles down the
river or by wagon to Palmyra, that were even contraband
of war. We went to Russell's and he heartily entered into

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 77

an arrangement to bring out a lot of articles from Clarks-
ville, but he wanted a partnership. We agreed to his prop-
osition. We arranged with Russell to secure information
for us at Clarksville. We had paid $3,000 in Confederate
money for $1,000 in Tennessee good money, at Columbia,
then went back to Mrs. Batson's to wait until Russell re-
turned from Clarksville.

Misses Abernathy and Watkins happened here again. I
was playing chess with Miss Abernathy in the parlor, the
rest engaged otherwise. "Yonder's the Yankees !" some one
said, looking out toward the front. There they were sure
enough, dismounting at the front gate about sixty feet dis-
tant. Bowers stepped out in the hall, and all the others
except Miss Abernathy. She was greatly distressed on my
account. I quietly admonished her to keep quiet a moment.
I surveyed the room. There was a large old-fashioned ma-
hogany press, a fine piece of furniture, against the wall
behind the door leading out into the hall. The piano, a
couple of divans, and parlor chairs completed the articles of
furniture in the room. I motioned Miss Abernathy to say
nothing, then got down and crawled under the press, push-
ing back against the wall. I then told her to leave the door
open and go in the hall. The soldiers were talking at the
hall door to Mr. Walker and the others by this time, and
asked for Bowers and Headley. I slipped my pass from
Bragg under the edge of the carpet. Mrs. Batson told the
captain that we were there but that we had gone out from
the parlor. They came in and searched the house from top
to bottom. Some of them aggravated the ladies, who quar-
reled with them all the time.

Several soldiers walked to the parlor door, looked in, and
seeing it was practically vacant, passed on. I heard them
up-stairs going from room to room, and finally they cheered.
They had found Bowers in a dark garret over the dining-
room, where Mrs. Batson had put him through a small door,
that connected with it, from the hall up-stairs. They had
fun over Bowers when he came down. He was jolly, and

78 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

put the ladies in good humor while the soldiers were still
looking for me. They got candles and went into the cellar
under me and prowled around among barrels and boxes, for
some time, until they were satisfied I was not in the house.
Some of them went out to the negro cabins and searched
there. They filled the house and hall and seemed to be a
good-natured lot. They finally gave me up and the captain
ordered them to mount, our horses having been brought out
also. One of the soldiers straggled into the parlor, and after
looking at the chess-men a moment walked to the very large
mirror on the mantel and looked at himself. The mirror
leaned forward at the top and I could see his face as plainly
as he could see it. And in a moment he saw mine. He
turned around quick and shouted, "Here he is!" The
other soldiers had all started out and some were on their
horses. I felt pretty cheap, but I got out before the others
came in. I at once made it a good joke and got on good
terms with the crowd. The ladies tried to enjoy the per-
formance after we appeared so comfortable in our trouble.

There were about sixty men in the command. It went
from Mrs. Batson's to the Barton's Creek neighborhood,
and chased and captured several others they had orders to
capture. It rained during the afternoon and we all got quite
cold and wet, though the soldiers wore gum coats.

I was riding in the ranks with Monroe Adams, who, as
I remember, was from Casey County, Kentucky. They were
all Kentuckians, the garrison at Clarksville being a Kentucky
regiment.

I saw we were now headed for Clarksville after leaving
Mrs. Batson's, and night soon came on. The rain continued
and most of the men began to wish they were in Clarksville.
We had twelve miles to ride and all settled down to a dreary
trip. I kept my guard, Adams, cheered up for an hour or
so, when he too got stupid. It was very dark and very
muddy. We passed through a long lane and then entered a
woods. I could not see anything but the road dimly. After
going perhaps a hundred yards the idea occurred to me, and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 79

I turned my horse into the woods and urged him forward
with both feet jogging his sides. There was confusion in
the ranks instantly and a gun fired. I did not hear any bul-
let, but the noise frightened my horse. I suppose he thought
it was in front, for he stopped suddenly and I went on over
the horn of the saddle to his neck, but I got back quick and
crowded him into the woods. I pushed through the bushes
for fifty yards perhaps and stopped. The column of soldiers
had been halted and every one was trying to find out what
•was the matter. I sat on my horse and listened. The
commander was some time discovering that a man had
escaped, and then the trouble was to locate or identify the
other prisoners. He lectured Adams severely and then re-
ferring to me, said, "Let him go." He ordered all the
soldiers who were guards to lead the horses of the prisoners.
I calculated that they could accomplish nothing by coming
into the woods.

The command resumed the journey, and as the sound
of their marching began to die away I came into the road
and started my horse on the back track. I did not know
the road, but the horse went right back to Mrs. Batson's
by two o'clock that night. She and Mr. Walker insisted
that I would be safe till morning, when she would give me
breakfast at sunrise and I could then go to Sim Talley's, her
son-in-law, and sleep all day. I had already fed my horse
before I waked any one in the house. I had a change here
and with dry clothes on I slept well till waked at dawn. I
had my breakfast before all the family got up. As I came
out of the dining-room and into the front hall to get my
hat I saw about twenty-five Federal cavalry coming up the
front lane at full speed not over one hundred yards from the
house. I crouched close to the wall and went out the back
door without saying a word to any one. It was but about
twenty steps to the back yard gate into the orchard and then
only a few steps farther on the right was a log hen-house.
I noticed the door stood open and that there were no boards
on the cracks. I knew I could not cross the orchard, and

80 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

going into the hen-house climbed up and stood on the top
log over the door, my head reaching to the comb of the roof
at the gable end.

The soldiers were all round the yard on horseback within
two or three minutes. One of them halted between the hen-
house and the yard fence and sat there on his horse. I
could see from his knee downward by stooping with a hand-
hold above. Most of the men were searching the house.
They were mad this trip and abused the family to some ex-
tent for harboring rebels. But Mrs. Batson argued with
the captain that we did not belong to the army. He said
we must come to Clarksville and take the oath or leave this
country. They searched the negro cabins and made some
trouble down there trying to make the negroes tell where I
was hid. They did not know. I heard one soldier say
that one of the negro men coming from the house had met
them in the lane and told them I was up-stairs asleep then
and I must be hid on the premises somewhere. But finally
the whole command mounted and rode away toward the
Clarksville road.

I held my position for at least three hours until a hen
came off her nest and cackled, when Mrs. Batson came
out there to look for eggs. I told her to put my hat and
overcoat in the back yard at a certain spot. Walker had
taken care of these things for me. I got down and went
through the yard, taking my hat and coat quickly and ran
off to the right across the front woodland.

Mr. Walker arranged to board at the house of Mr. Wat-
kins, which was an elegant home. And a few days after-
wards I went there. He went through to Russell's and
found that he had been successful in a measure. We ar-
ranged with Mr. Watkins for his wagon and a negro man to
drive, whom we could trust. We intended to get the load
from Russell's as soon afterwards as the roads would freeze,
it being too muddy then. I did not stay about the house
of Mr. Watkins all the time, but found a place on the hill-
side where I had a view of all the roads that approached the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 81

dwelling through the coalings, and kept up a good camp-fire.
One forenoon I observed a lone horseman coming, a quarter
of a mile away. I soon recognized the familiar form of
Ike Bowers. I went near the road and called him. He sat
down and told me his experience. I will give it substan-
tially, as I remember, he told the story :

"After you ran into the woods on the road,'* he said, "I
felt that I must escape too. I thought of a good many plans
and finally decided, as the guard was carrying my bridle
reins, that I would slip back over my saddle behind it, and
holding to the saddle skirt let myself off easy behind my
horse and run into the woods. In a bunch of woods I got
behind the saddle all right and was ready to go in a second,
when my guard said, 'Whoa, there, get back.' And then
he jerked the long skirt of my overcoat. He said he had
been holding it all the time as he had an idea I would try
some trick of that kind. I gave it up then and bided my time.
All the prisoners in the crowd were registered at head-
quarters in Clarksville and then sent to prison. This was in
a lawyer's office up-stairs. We entered an open stairway
from the pavement and at the top on the right were two large
rooms with a connecting door.

*T learned that David Scott, our old friend from Madi-
sonville, kept the leading hotel in town. I wrote him a
note to come and see me. He came promptly and I arranged
for three meals a day for myself and the other eight pris-
oners. A servant came with the loaded waiter at the regular
time and I fared well. The guard stood down-stairs at
the entrance and one in the back of the hall up-stairs. These
I observed were changed at six o'clock every evening. I
decided on a plan to escape. The servant brought the sup-
per at five o'clock every day. I had him to leave it yester-
day evening because I was not then hungry, telling him he
could take the dishes in the morning. At the same time I
gave him a quarter. As soon as the sentinels were relieved at
six o'clock and new men on watch I blackened my face and
hands with charcoal from the fireplace and arranged my

82 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

clothes so as to look like a darky. We had already eaten
the supper. I picked up the waiter and went down and out.
The guard asked me where I was from. I told him I came
from the hotel with supper for the prisoners up-stairs."
(Bowers could imitate a darky's talk perfectly.) "I then
went to the vacant market-house, where I put the waiter
down and walked off. I came out of town between the
roads all right, but got lost outside and wandered around
in the country nearly all night, finally getting to the river
only four miles from Clarksville. But I found a friend,
Samuel Stewart, who put me across in a canoe fifteen miles
from here. I walked to the first house, a cabin, and found
the man had this white horse, which had fallen overboard
and come ashore from a passing transport. I bought him
for $50 in Tennessee money, with the saddle and bridle in-
cluded in the bargain, but it was the enemy's property and
if I had. been armed I would not have paid anything for
the horse."

The sudden reappearance of Bowers enabled us to pro-
ceed with our affairs. We lost no time in going to Russell's
with a wagon and were ready for what appeared to be our
last trip to Shelbyville, as we doubted if General Bragg's
army would be enabled to hold its position in Middle
Tennessee.

We found Mr. Russell had just been to Clarksville again,
not to obtain further supplies, immediately, but with refer-
ence to other matters. However, it happened that his pre-
vious close relations with the commander brought the oppor-
tunity for a confidential conference, which resulted in an
arrangement for unexpected facilities to handle contraband
articles to the South. It was agreed that a friend of Russell
in Clarksville might order from Cincinnati a shipment of
merchandise by steamer to Clarksville, with a permit to
deliver the consignment to Russell at Palmyra, before reach-
ing Clarksville. The shipment was to be marked to Clarks-
ville but consigned to Palmyra in the bill of lading. We at

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 83

once departed with the wagon-load already at Palmyra, in
a vacant store-room, but agreeing to secure current money
and make the order without delay.

At Charlotte it was determined that Mr. Walker should
remain there with most of our Confederate money and en-
deavor to make exchange for greenbacks or Tennessee bills.
He arranged to board with a citizen named Trotter, near
town, while we went on to Shelbyville as before.

Forrest was still near Columbia and there seemed to be
no particular change at Shelbyville when we arrived. Major
Hawkins was delighted with the Clarksville arrangement,
and hastily placing our load at a fair profit we left for
Charlotte. It was deemed best for Bowers to push on and
help Walker and Russell, while I moved leisurely with the
team. We stopped the first night with Mr. Hill, at the
crossing of a creek, seven miles from Columbia. We went
on to Columbia, and as our wagon was delayed Bowers
left me there. I called on General Forrest and told him of
our arrangement through Russell and the colonel in Clarks-
ville and the chance of capturing the place and then making a
demonstration on the north side of the river against Nash-
ville and the communications of Rosecrans. He highly
appreciated the information. I told him we had reported
the situation to General Bragg at Shelbyville, through Major
Hawkins.

CHAPTER IX

Captured at Louisa Furnace — Capture of officers of Lee's
army — Escape from prison and captivity in Nashville —
Notes on Rosecrans's army — Departure from Nashville on a
pass — Escape of other prisoners.

I was two days in reaching Charlotte, and sending the
team on home I went out to Mr. Trotter's. He had ex-
changed $i,ooo in Tennessee bills, with Mr. Walker, for
$3,000 in Confederate money. Walker and Bowers had
gone to Mr. Watkins's. I went on there, arriving about
dark. I found that Walker and Bowers had gone to Mr.
Russell's. Here I met Will Baxter, a brother of Mrs. Wat-
kins, Robert Mockbee, her nephew, and Captain Hick John-
son, on furlough from Lee's army in Virginia. Johnson
was the son of Hon. Cave Johnson, who was Postmaster-
General in the Cabinet of President James K. Polk, and was
a cousin of Baxter and Mrs. Watkins. The home of these
young men was in Clarksville, but they had not considered
it safe to venture beyond this point. Two sisters. Misses
Bettie and Nannie Garland, had come out from Clarksville
to meet their friends.

We did not retire till after ten o'clock and it was only twelve
o'clock when Mockbee shook me and said ths yard was full
of Yankees. I asked the others what they intended to do.
Captain Johnson said there was nothing to do but surrender.
I then arranged with them to say they never saw me before
and knew nothing about me, and that I came there after
supper. They lighted a candle and began to dress. I cut
a small slit in the under side of the bed-tick and pushed my
pass from Bragg inside without attracting the attention of
the others. They were about dressed when the Federals

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 85

came up. I stayed in bed perfectly unconcerned. The
officers in charge questioned the others and got a straight
story of their character and the reason of their presence.
They were soon ready to go. The officer then asked John-
son, "Who is that other man ?" Johnson answered as I had
suggested. I then raised a Httle and said, "Good-evening."
He spoke, asked my name, where I Hved, and what I was
doing there. I told him my name was Williams, that I was
from near the cotton mills on Duck River below Waverly;
that the conscript officers were scouring the country to take
every one to the Southern army ; that I hid out for two weeks
until it looked as if I could not stay there any longer and I
was now on my way to Shawneetown, Illinois, where I
expected to do something until the trouble was over in my
section. He looked at my clothing and was satisfied, but
several others came up and joined the captain's party and
one of them recognized me as the prisoner who ran out of
ranks on the way to Clarksville, two weeks before. He
called Monroe Adams, who was below, and who identified
me without hesitation. It was another joke on me, but the
captain told me if I tried to escape this time I would be
killed, and he gave orders accordingly.

The command had several other prisoners, and rode
around the neighborhood toward Palmyra for others. We
stopped at an iron furnace about three o'clock and were
kept sitting there in a room until morning.

At Clarksville we were registered at headquarters and
sent to the same prison rooms where Bowers had been con-
fined. A great number of friends came promptly to see
Johnson, Baxter and Mockbee, and they were furnished
every luxury in abundance. As I was taken into their mess
I had no occasion to notify my friends, of whom I had several
in Clarksville.

The next day we were taken down to the river and on
board a steamer for Nashville. A crowd of citizens gathered
on the wharf as we went down, and Lafayette Wilson, a
friend from Madisonville, Kentucky, recognized me, and

86 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

coming to greet me walked down to the boat. He touched
me on the hand as we walked along, my guard being on the
other side. I looked and he was trying to put a ten-dollar
bill, of greenback money, in my hand. I thanked him in a
whisper, telling him I did not need it.

It was late in the afternoon when we started from Clarks-
ville and it was sixty miles up the river to Nashville. I
had a great many plans to escape from the boat in the night,
but none seemed feasible. The best one, I thought, was to
take a plank and jump overboard, but I was afraid I would
freeze before I could paddle the plank ashore with my
hands. When we reached Nashville the next morning we
were marched to the State Capitol, where we were registered
at headquarters after ten o'clock, and then marched down
to the market square and sent up into the third story of
the market-house building, which was used as a temporary
prison. This was a three-story brick building. There were
two rooms and a wide hall between on each floor. A wind-
ing stair ran up in the hall with iron railing and banisters.
The two rooms on the third floor were used for the pris-
oners and about twenty guards were stationed in the hall.
Prisoners were brought in every hour, in squads, and both
rooms were crowded. Rosecrans's army was here and at
Murfreesboro, and of course a few prisoners on both sides
were taken every day. I learned from a guard that the pris-
oners were sent North every morning at eight o'clock. I
noticed a rather rude restaurant on the first floor as we were
brought up. I asked the guard about it and he told me any
of us could go down there under guard and buy a meal.
This was good news, as the sleeping and cooking were going
to be horrible in our prison rooms. I suggested to Baxter
that we go down and get a hot dinner. We selected the
youngest guard in the bunch, a boy about nineteen years old,
to go with us. We made the guard eat with us, which he
appreciated, and when we spoke of coming down for supper,
he asked us to let him come with us and that arrangement
was made.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 87

We could see from our windows that citizens and soldiers
crowded the pavements and army wagons crowded the
streets. And it seemed a poor prospect for making our
escape even from the prison, and still worse for getting out
of Nashville. I told Baxter in the afternoon we would go
late to supper on the idea that we were not hungry yet, and
after dark would try to bribe our guard to let us go in the
crowd, while he could slip back, and this was agreed to.
We put every small article of our baggage in our overcoat
pockets and inside of our other clothing.

At dark we went down and at the bottom of the stairs I
turned to Baxter, as if it made no difference to the guard,
and told him that the restaurant in the building was a sloppy
place to eat and that we would go across the street to a
nice restaurant. I had seen the sign from a window. Baxter
agreed, but the guard said he was not allowed to take us
over there. He stood by it for a long time through fear,
only on his own account, for disobeying orders. I pleaded
with him that in such a crowd we would not be noticed and
they would never know up-stairs, but he had taken us to the
river bank where he had a right to go with us. He finally
consented. We went to a restaurant about the middle of
the block between the market square and the Commercial
Hotel. While there was a crowd along the pavement there
were very few in the restaurant. We sat at a table which
stood against the. wall, making room for three. The guard
sat next to the door, Baxter next to his right, and I on the
back side facing the guard and the front door. The cashier's
desk was across by the opposite wall and ten feet nearer the
front door than our table. I took the lead and ordered a
nice supper. While we waited for it Baxter drew a half
pint bottle of whiskey a friend had given him at Clarks-
ville, and we all made a toddy. We had a good time eating
our supper and talking about the war.

An idea of escape occurred to me, and I finished my meal
first and carelessly got up, saying I would settle with the
cashier and we would be ready to go when they were through

88 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

eating. I walked on without any more ceremony, getting out
my money as I went. I stood for my change with my face
turned to the back of the restaurant so the guard would
not be uneasy. Taking my change I fumbled with it, turn-
ing toward our table. The guard was looking at me, so I
took a step slowly while putting my money away. At this
moment the guard put his fork to his mouth, bowing his
head slightly, which took his eyes from me. I turned and
walked to the front door so as not to attract the attention
of passers-by. I looked back and the guard had grabbed
his gun, which stood against the wall, and was rising hur-
riedly, but I was out and in the crowd the same as any
other person. I knew the guard could not leave Baxter to
follow me, and felt safe after going a few steps as no one
noticed me. Several details of soldiers were passing in both
directions, but I passed on in the crowd as though I lived
in Nashville. I went several squares toward Broad street
and observed that I was getting into the residence part
of town. I believed any old citizen would be a friend and I
wanted to find one without delay. I went into the first sub-
stantial home where there was a light. When the servant
answered the door-bell I got a glimpse inside and observed
a number of Federal officers in the parlor. I asked the
servant if Mr. Wilson lived there. She said, "No, sir," and
told me who did ; but I begged pardon, saying I was mistaken
in the house, and excused myself.

A little farther on I came to a small family grocery
on the corner. I walked in, and buying a cigar sat down
with the proprietor to smoke, which he said was agreeable.
I soon learned that he was an old resident and a strong
Southern sympathizer. He did not care who knew it. I
assured myself fully and then told him the story of my
escape. He told me of the large encampments all around
the city on both sides of the river. I felt that it was much
better for me to go out between picket posts and risk their
shots in the dark if I could find any woods. He directed
me how to go, to the left of the Charlotte pike, where I would

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 89

probably have the best chance to evade the pickets. I fol-
lowed his directions for fully a mile and the woodland he
had described was in my front. As I approached a fence, at
the edge of it I discovered tents on the other side among
the trees. I stopped, but had been heard by a sentinel not
more than forty feet on the inside of the fence. He shouted
"Halt!" It was pretty dark, but I could see my way a few
yards. I stooped and ran on tip-toe, swerving to the right,
so that I would not be in the range if he shot where he heard
me. It was my calculation that he would do that if he shot
at all. However, I presume he concluded he was mis-
taken as I heard nothing more.

My new friend in the grocery had told me every one
caught on the streets after ten o'clock was arrested. I
judged it to be half past eight now, and concluded it would
be better to abandon the idea of going out that night. The
houses were very scattering in the neighborhood and mostly
cottages, where I thought best not to apply for accommo-
dations. When I got on Broad street I found it was after
nine o'clock. I met an old darky, from whom I learned the
location of the cemetery on the Nolensville pike inside the
city. He said houses extended to the grounds. I went out
that way briskly without seeing a light in any dwelling on
the street, and began to regret that I had not tried to arrange
with my grocery friend for lodging. I looked for his place
again in my wanderings but failed to find it.

At the entrance to the cemetery I stopped to look in all
directions for a light. I was going into the cemetery and
sit up all night among the cedars, because I did not believe
I would be disturbed in there. But I saw a light and went
to it. I entered the yard gate and saw a two-story dwelling
with a hall and room in front. The light was in the front
room. When I looked in at the window I saw a lady sitting
at the hearth knitting and a man in bed reading by a lamp
on a table near by. I sounded the door-bell and the lady
came to the door with the lamp in her hand. I bowed, and
apologized for being late, but just wanted to speak to her

90 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

husband a minute. She appeared a Httle frightened and
said he had retired. In a sort of pleading manner I sug-
gested that I would not think of having him get up and
would just go in only for a minute. She balked along and
showed plainly that she did not want me to come in. I
asked her what time it was and tried to relieve her of any
apprehension.

We were at the entrance to the door of their bed-room by
this time, when her husband spoke up to inquire who was
coming in. His wife quickly said she did not know. I
laughingly said, *'It's a friend; you'll be surprised to see
me." His wife stopped in the middle of the room so the
light would shine on my face to let her husband see if he
could recognize me. I then candidly explained that I had
come in for some information only because they had a light
burning and I did not think it would be considered an
intrusion. I felt that I did not want a gentleman to get up
and dress to talk with me a few minutes. I then said frankly
that I was a Confederate and told him how I had escaped
and the predicament in which I was placed. His wife
instantly declared that her husband had taken the oath and
could not afford to violate it. I finally got a hearing and
told so fair a story that the husband, Mr. Metcalf, said he
didn't care if I was a Rebel or a Yankee or neither, if I
simply wanted lodging and breakfast and proposed to pay
for the accommodation he had a right to entertain me and
would do it. After his wife became satisfied she got inter-
ested in my story, and when we retired it was midnight.
I was put in their best room up-stairs. Mr. Thomas Metcalf
was the name of my host. He became thoroughly satis-
fied that night, and when he left me it was agreed that I
should be known to the cook, a negro woman, as the cousin
of Mrs. Metcalf. The next morning ever}^thing was easy.
It was agreed that I should stay there until I got tired unless
I had a chance to leave the city. As there were no children
in the family I felt perfectly safe.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 91

Mr. Metcalf came home in the afternoon from his business,
and had told a friend, who was a grocer, of my case, and
after supper we went down town and spent an hour or so
in the counting-room of the estabhshment. I arranged to
go the next night to the store of a clothing merchant, who
was a friend, where I could fit myself out as a citizen, in the
style of a young man. I had been wearing my hair rather
long and cropped around the edge. This I had shingled to
change my appearance in every respect as much as possible.
I then went about the city freely, having no fears except
from Kentucky soldiers from my own locality, who might
recognize me on sight. But I carried my discharge from
the army for such an emergency.

I soon realized that there was no possible way of escape
from Nashville except to get a pass northward. There
were over 50,000 soldiers in the army of General Rose-
crans, from Nashville to Murfreesboro. The Confederate
cavalry under Forrest, Morgan and Wheeler had threatened
the east and west picket posts of the city so continually
that three different posts were stationed on every road lead-
ing to the country, with camp sentinels between the roads.
During the next three weeks I visited in the neighborhood,
with Mr. and Mrs. Metcalf, attending several social parties,
and made very pleasant acquaintances. However, during
the first week, I got an introduction to a Captain Rhodes,
of Michigan, who understood from me that I was from
Bourbon County, Kentucky, and was visiting relatives in the
city and some in the Seventeenth Kentucky Cavalry. We
did not talk politics, but he was led to infer that I was a
Union man. I managed to impress the fact that I would
need a pass when I got ready to go home and he very
promptly volunteered to say that he would arrange that for
me. I now cultivated this gentleman, who was a good man.
I was introduced by him to other officers and in a general
way, without exciting suspicion, I learned the names of all
the brigadiers and major-generals in Rosecrans's army, not
only those at Nashville, but at Murfreesboro, Triune,

92 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Lavergne, Brentwood, and Franklin. I managed to meet
men from nearly all the commands by "raking up" acquaint-
ances in a casual way and by a little liberality at times with
cigars and refreshments. I knew the number of brigades
with this information, and while I did not make any notes
there was little else on my mind and I remembered all.

There were funerals every day in the cemetery opposite
Metcalfs (my home), and I attended several of these to
form casual acquaintances among the soldiers and learn their
commands. I frequented all the hotels, where I had gen-
erals pointed out to me by soldiers. Here I first saw Gov-
ernor Andrew Johnson. I was now possessed of informa-
tion on which a safe estimate could be made, within a few
thousand, of the strength and location of the army, and I
was ready to g(5 out, but I could not afford to show any
special anxiety, though I felt confident now I would have no
trouble to use Captain Rhodes.

I was afraid to apply too soon after his offer for fear he
might possibly become suspicious. About the third time I
met him, after I was ready, the matter came up and I told
him when I wanted to start. He cheerfully went with me
and introduced me to his personal friend, the provost-mar-
shal, who issued the pass without hesitation. My name
was Wilham C. Sims during this sojourn in Nashville.

Before going I bought a gross of good pocket-knives, of
small size, that were put up one dozen in a package. These
I distributed in my pockets and boot-legs. I managed also
to conceal two dozen silk handkerchiefs in my clothes. I
passed through two sets of pickets beyond the bridge on my
way out on the Louisville pike. Just beyond Edgefield I
turned off to the left on the White's Creek pike. After
going about one mile from the pike I met an old gentleman
on horseback. His name was Squire White. He lived on
White's Creek near by, five miles from Nashville. He eyed
me pretty closely and said I looked like a Rebel. I could tell
by his look that he hoped I was one. When I concluded it
was safe to tell him so it made me a friend. I went to his

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 93

home to dinner. He directed me to a man two miles ahead
whom I could get to take me to Cumberland River without
traveling any public road. I found the place and before
sundown I was on the bank of Cumberland River, fifteen
miles below Nashville. I was soon rowed across in a skiff
and spent the night at the home of Mr. Robertson. The
next morning he sent me to Charlotte, his son-in-law going
with me to bring back the horse I rode. At Charlotte I
found a company of about one hundred Confederate cavalry,
from Forrest's command at Columbia, on a scout.

I learned afterwards from Mrs. Watkins, at Louisa
Furnace, that Baxter went with the guard back to the
prison room after failing in an effort to bribe him for liberty.
But the next night Johnson, Baxter, and Mockbee succeeded
in making their escape, and Mrs. Watkins gave me the par-
ticulars. I have them now from an authentic source after
a lapse of thirty-eight years. I submit a correspondence that
gives the story just as I heard it at the time :

Memphis, Tenn., July 2d, 1901.
Mr. John W. Headley,

Louisville, Ky.
Dear Sir : I inquired at Kentucky Headquarters during the
late reunion of Confederate Veterans here for one Mr. Headley,
who was captured with Major J. Hick. Johnson, Lieutenant
William Baxter and myself, in March, 1863, at the home of Mr.
S. D. Watkins, on the south side of Cumberland River, twelve
miles from Clarksville, Tennessee, in Montgomery County,
and your address was ^iven me as the only person of the name
known to those with whom I talked. If you are the same person
as the one I speak of, please write me here for the next ten days
and after that at Cornwells, S. C. Or if you know of the party
of whom I speak, please write me as to his whereabouts, if still
living. The Headley I knew was at that time quite a young
man but exceedingly bright and attractive in his manners, and.
I think, engaged in a blockade secret service for the Confed-
erates, going in and out through the lines frequentlv. Although
it is only a matter of good feeling I cherish for one whom I

94 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

shared a short term of prison life with, I would be greatly
pleased to hear from him, and especially to know that he is alive
and prospering.

By answering this at your convenience you will oblige.

Yours very truly,

R. T. MOCKBEE.

Memphis^ Tenn., July 29th, 1901.
Mr. John W. Headley,

Lyndon, Jefferson County, Ky.

Dear Friend: I was more than delighted to receive your
letter of 226. inst., directed to me at Cornwells, S. C, where I
expected to be some time ago when I wrote you, but have been
detained here on account of Mr. Baxter, my son-in-law, and
family making a visit to Middle Tennessee, and he wished me
to stay and overlook his business during their absence.

And now, my dear friend, let me express to you my sincere
pleasure and gratification at knowing that you are one and the
same person as my comrade and fellow-prisoner, and especially
that the world has used you well, and that you have been blessed
with good health during all the years since those eventful days
when we were together as prisoners at Clarksville and Nashville.
I suppose in the lapse of years your memory has failed to keep
what really occurred as to William Baxter, Major Johnson and
myself after your escape. About the third night after you got
away we all three went down to the "restaurant," accompanied
by a poor "green" Yankee boy as our guard, and, after having
our supper, in which our guard shared, we went out as if we
were going back up-stairs into the prison. When we reached
the entrance at the foot of the stairway we halted (as had been
prearranged) and Major Johnson said, "Boys, we ought to have
a bottle of brandy for to-night," and, turning to the guard, said,
"Here, you take this money and go over to the saloon across the
square and get us a bottle of brandy and bring it up. We will go
on up-stairs. Just put your gun behind the door there until you
come back." And the poor simpleton did just as he was told, in
the mean time Johnson having given him a five-dollar bill. He
walked out into the dark and Baxter and I followed him just
as soon as we thought it safe. Major Johnson stopped to pull
off his Confederate overcoat, which he threw behind the door,
and took the Yank's gun to guard Baxter and me, after we got
outside. In the mean time, Baxter and I had gotten out in the
dark and went around the market-house on the side next to the
river, and when Johnson came out with his gun he went the

(

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 95

Other way and so missed us entirely, and putting the gun down
he hurriedly made his way to his sister's, Mrs. Hickman, the
mother of John P. Hickman, the present secretary of our
Tennessee Confederate Association. And she secured a pass
from the provost-marshal, took him over the river in a buggy,
dressed as a lady, to a sister's, Mrs. Dortch, where he had such
a good time he stayed too long, and an old negro servant went
in and reported him and the Yankees sent a squad of cavalry out
and took him in, putting him in a cell in the penitentiary, until
he was sent North.

Baxter and I, after getting safely away, secured us a com-
plete outfit of the latest style citizen's clothes from a friendly
Jew and each of us carried a well-stuffed valise. After going
to a barber shop and getting clean shaved and trimmed up we
sallied forth and joined a procession of people who had just
come on the train from Louisville, and went with the largest
crowd to the Sewanee House, then one of the leading hotels of
the city. There we registered, Baxter as Charles H. Haynes,
and I as John C. Smith, of Louisville, Ky., secured a room and
a bottle of brandy, to help keep our nerves quiet, and spent the
night. We went down to breakfast the next morning and the
room was filled with Yankee officers, at least a hundred at
breakfast. Afterwards we went out in the city to try to find
some avenue of escape into the country, but failed completely
and had to remain two days and until the third night. We suc-
ceeded in getting a skiff and went down the river to Hagwood's
Landing, where we stopped within ten miles of Mr. Watkins's,
where we had been captured. I remained in that section for
several weeks getting information, and also some recruits for
my regiment in Virginia. I, like you, had orders from the War
Department at Richmond, countersig^ned by General Lee, and
slipped them between the feather bed and mattress, and quietly
told Mrs. Watkins where to find them. I got back to Richmond
just as the battle of Chancellorsville was being fought, and was
with my command until Appomattox, with the exception of
about two months' sickness, in 1864.

* * * * H! * *

I am,

Very truly, your friend,

Robert T. Mockbee.

CHAPTER X

Situation after return from captivity — Forrest at Palmyra —
Wheeler at Fort Donelson — Plain talk of Forrest to
Wheeler — Report to Forrest and Bragg of Rosecrans's
army — Van Dorn over Forrest and others, on the left, and
Wheeler over Morgan and others, on the right, of Bragg's
army — Morgan's raid to Kentucky in December, 1862 —
Infantry armies being exhausted in drawn battles and in
camp — Spirit of vengeance — Colonel Streight marches out
from Palmyra and encamps on Yellow Creek.

At Charlotte I found Ike Bowers on the day of my arrival
from the Nashville captivity. He and Walker had duly
received the shipment from Cincinnati to Russell at Palmyra.
Teams had been furnished by Mr. Watkins, of Louisa Fur-
nace, and the trip was made to Shelby ville. Major Hawkins
and Bowers had promptly disposed of the stock. I received
$3,318 in Confederate money as my share of the profits
from the beginning.

I learned now that Forrest had acted on my informa-
tion in February, and moving along our route had passed
through the coalings to Palmyra with his command. Bowers
had fallen in with him and acted as guide through to Rus-
sell's. There, Forrest, being fully advised of the situation
at Clarksville, was waiting to capture a passing transport
and cross over the river, then to reach Clarksville within a
few hours and capture the garrison. He would then pass
between Ashland and Springfield, and striking the railroad
and burning all the bridges he could destroy, and the "Mor-
gan" tunnel, near Gallatin, north of Nashville, and then make
his way to a crossing of the river above Hartsville or Burkes-
ville, if necessary. But General Wheeler overtook Forrest
at Palmyra, and, assuming command, went down to cap-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 97

ture Dover. Bowers told me it looked to Forrest and all his
men that Wheeler had followed to assume command and get
the credit of a victory or a raid somewhere. Forrest and
Morgan had made such brilliant successes of their December
raids that Wheeler seemed anxious to "catch up." This ex-
pedition now turned down the river and went twenty miles
to the attack of Fort Donelson. It will be interesting to
quote extracts from a graphic and authentic account of the
engagement and the result from "Wyeth's Life of Forrest/*
as follows :

Near Palmyra, Forrest, who had masked his guns and
ambushed his men, and was all ready for a bout with any
passing craft, was overtaken by the chief of cavalry, who
brought with him a portion of Wharton's brigade. General
Wheeler having concluded that the Federals had become
apprised of the Confederate position along the river, and would
not, for the present, send any more boats on that stream, and
having nothing else in hand, determined upon an expedition
for the capture of the Federal garrison at Dover. In his
official report he says : "After maturely considering the matter,
we concluded that nothing could be lost by an attack upon the
garrison at Dover, and from the information that we had there
was good reason to believe that this post could easily be
captured."

In the "Campaigns of General Forrest," which was edited
under his personal supervision, it is stated that some difference
of opinion existed as to the propriety of this attack upon the
fort at Dover, and that General Forrest submitted to his chief
that he was not only poorly supplied with ammunition, but that
the effort did not promise results commensurate with the losses
that an assault upon such a formidable position would entail,
and earnestly advised that the effort be abandoned. The
premonition of disaster weighed upon Forrest so heavily that on
the morning of the engagement he spoke of the matter in strict
confidence to his chief-of-staff, Major Charles W. Anderson,
and to Dr. Ben Wood of Hopkinsville, Kentucky, then a
surgeon connected with his command. He said : "I have a
special request to make of you in regard to the proposed attack
on Fort Donelson. I have protested against this move, but my
protest has been disregarded, and I intend to do my whole duty,
and I want my men to do the same. I have spoken to none but

98 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

you on this subject, and I do not wish that any one should know
of the objections I have made. I have this request to make : If
I am killed in this fight, you will see that justice is done me by
officially stating that I protested against the attack, and that I
am not willing to be held responsible for any disaster that may
result." (From a personal communication from Major Charles
W. Anderson, living at Florence, Tennessee, in 1898.) Gen-
eral Wheeler believed, however, that by a simultaneous and
quick rush from two sides the garrison could be overcome with
trifling loss, and immediately ordered the advance.

s|c * * * * :|c *

General Wheeler says : "J"st as I left General Forrest, he,
thinking the enemy were leaving the place, and being anxious
to run in quickly, remounted his men and charged on horseback.
The fire from the enemy was so strong that he was repulsed and
obliged to retire."

The discomfited troopers were again formed for assault, this
time on foot, and, simultaneously with the advance by Wharton's
column, they rushed forward, Forrest again on horseback at the
head of his dismounted detachment. * 'S' * They pressed
forward with courage to the breastworks, but were unable to
gain a footing within the fort. Forrest's horse was shot down,
being the second animal killed under him that day, and the
General was badly shaken up in falling. A number of men
were killed within a few feet of the breastworks.
*******

On the left, Wharton's command easily drove the Federals
into their works, capturing a few prisoners and one fine twelve-
pounder brass rifled cannon, which was brought from the field.
The stubborn resistance made by the garrison had, however,
succeeded in holding off their assailants until near nightfall,
when, as General Wheeler states, his troops had a secure position
not more than ninety yards from the main rifle-pits of the garri-
son. Before making a third assault a conference was held,
and it was decided that there was not enough ammunition left in
the entire command to justify a further attack. It was also
learned at this crisis that reinforcements for the garrison were
arriving, and had already fired upon the Confederate outposts.
Before retreating a detachment was sent to the river landing
near the fort, and there set fire to a boat loaded with supplies,
which was soon destroyed. As they retired, other details were
made to gather up all the wounded who could be carried
away on horseback or in wagons, and to bring off the captured

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 99

gun and other property, among which was a generous supply

of blankets found in the Federal quarters, which were greatly

needed, as the weather was intensely cold.

* He * * * * *

Major Charles W. Anderson says: "It was late when I
reached headquarters at Yellow Creek Furnace. Arriving
there, I asked for General Forrest. The General, recognizing
my voice, came to the door, and as I was too near frozen to dis-
mount, he came out and helped me down and into the house.
Without any ceremony he went to the only bed in the room,
jerked the covering from two officers who were occupying
it, and brusquely ordered them to get out. My boots were
pulled off, I was rolled up in blankets and put in the vacated bed.
General Wharton was sitting on the side of the fireplace oppo-
site General Wheeler, who was dictating hjs report to one of
his staff. Forrest had resumed his place, lying down on his
water-proof coat in front of the fire, his head on a turned-down
chair and his feet well on the hearth. General Wharton said :
'When the signal was given, my men moved forward, but were
met with such a severe fire that, with the Fourth Georgia and
Malone's battalion, they gave way. As we fell back I noticed the
garrison from our side of the fort rush across to the other side
to take part against General Forrest's attack, and, as his com-
mand caught the fire of the entire garrison, he must have
suffered severely.' Forrest interrupted him, saying in an
excited and angry tone, 'I have no fault to find with my men.
In both charges they did their duty as they have always done.'
At this moment General Wheeler remarked, 'General Forrest,
my report does ample justice to yourself and to your men.'
Forrest replied, 'General Wheeler, I advised against this
attack, and said all a subordinate officer should have said against
it, and nothing you can say now or do will bring back my brave
men lying dead or wounded and freezing around that fort
to-night. I mean no disrespect to you ; you can have my sword
if you demand it ; but there is one thing I do want you to put in
that report to General Bragg — ^tell him that I will be in my coffin
before I will fight again under your command.* Neither the
soldier nor the man in 'Fighting Joe Wheeler' was ever more
in evidence than on this occasion. He both knew and appre-
ciated Forrest, admired his wonderful genius, and loved him
devotedly. He proved this in many ways in after years. More-
over, he knew that when the tempest was raging in this wild
and rugged nature he could appeal to it more by gentle word and
manner than by the strict rules of military discipline. 'For-

100 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

rest/ he said quietly and with great feeling, 'I cannot take
your saber, and I regret exceedingly your determination. As
the commanding officer I take all the blame and responsibility
for this failure/ "

The losses at Dover on the part of the Confederates were very
heavy for the number of the troops engaged. In Wharton's
command 17 were killed, 60 wounded, and 8 missing.* Forrest,
who had not quite 1,000 men in the engagement, lost in killed,
wounded, and captured 200 ; and among these Col. Frank Mc-
Nairy, of his staff, was killed ; Col. D. W. Holman, of Napier's
battalion, wounded, and three captains of this command
wounded and captured. The Federal commander, Colonel
Lowe, on February 4th reported that 135 Confederate dead had
been found, and that they then held 50 prisoners. Major C. W.
Anderson says the lost officers in Starnes's Fourth Tennessee
was so great that he was ordered to command a detachment of
this regiment, and led it in the last charge. Colonel Harding,
in his official report, gives his loss as 13 killed, 51 wounded, and
46 prisoners. On the morning of February 4th the Confeder-
ates resumed their march in the direction of Columbia. Being
informed of the approach of a column of infantry and cavalry
under General Jefferson C. Davis, they were compelled to make
a wide detour in the direction of Centerville toward Duck
River, and there succeeded in crossing this stream. On the
17th they were once more in camp at Columbia.

I left Bowers at Mr. Trotter's, riding Bowers's horse,
agreeing to remain until my return from Shelbyville, where
I proceeded with haste to send a full report of the situation,
in and around Nashville, to General Bragg. In passing
through to Shelbyville I forwarded a copy to General For-
rest, who was then encamped above Columbia. I learned
here that General Van Dorn was now commanding the
cavalry forces on the left wing of Bragg's army. It was en-
camped from Columbia toward Spring Hill and consisted
of five brigades with a strength of some 6,000 men. For-
rest was commanding a division of two brigades.

♦Official Records, Vol. xxiii, part i, p. 41.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 101

General Wheeler was now commanding the cavalry forces
on the center and right flank of the army, including a division
commanded by General Morgan.

There had been sanguinary battles here about Spring
Hill and the Confederates had gained decisive victories over
all the forces sent against them.

At Shelbyville I stopped at Dr. Blakemore's for three
days. I arranged with Major Hawkins to take my report
and send it forward to General Bragg at Tullahoma. Here
I met a number of General Morgan's command and learned
the particulars of his December raid into Kentucky.

General Duke says:

The results of this expedition were the destruction of the
railroads, which has been described, the capture of eighteen
hundred and seventy-seven prisoners, of a large number of
stores, arms, and government property of every description.
Our loss was only twenty-six in killed and wounded (only two
killed) and sixty-four missing.

It seemed to me that Morgan and Forrest had inaugurated
the only effective warfare that had been of material advan-
tage to the Confederacy, between the Mississippi River and
the mountains. It seemed strange that Bragg and the gov-
ernment would not back them in every way possible and
encourage all other similar commands of cavalry to actually
live in the rear of the Federal armies and even cross the
Ohio River into every State from Iowa to Pennsylvania.
I had heard Capt. William Forrest say at Columbia that his
brother, General Forrest, had often remarked that it could
be done successfully.

I felt sure of the fact that the infantry armies would give
out if we must rely on them to take and hold the country from
the Mississippi River to the mountains. It was only neces-
sary to instance our experience at Fort Donelson, Shiloh,
Perryville, Corinth, and Murfreesboro in order to under-

1D2 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Stand that our volunteer armies were already practically
exhausted for any aggressive warfare. Our losses in killed,
wounded, and prisoners in these battles had been about equal
to those of the enemy, and now the Federals would not ex-
change prisoners. They wanted to keep ours and did not
need their own. The enemy had over two men to our one
in the field in this department. But half of them at least
were required to guard the railroad bridges, trestles, and
posts in Kentucky and Tennessee against the raids of Mor-
gan, Forrest, and other smaller cavalry commands. We
knew that Colonels Johnson and Martin had operated, with
never over six hundred men, between Clarksville and Hen-
derson, Kentucky, for six months, when the nearest Con-
federate lines were at Corinth and Chattanooga, and had
defied thousands of the enemy, who were still stationed all
over that section of Kentucky to intimidate the citizens and
prevent Confederate organizations by a reign of terror.
These ideas were not original with me. They could be heard
in every camp and were freely spoken out by soldiers and
by citizens. No man was ever heard to condemn the Decem-
ber raids of Forrest into West Tennessee or of Morgan
into Kentucky. And notably no man was ever heard to
applaud the march of Bragg to Kentucky and back again.
He and Kirby Smith had demonstrated that 50,000 Con-
federates, all volunteers, and the flower of Southern man-
hood, could not stay in Kentucky over one month. It was
believed they were not doing any good now in Middle Ten-
nessee. The Federals could stand equal losses of infantry
and were glad to fight our armies on those terms. But Bragg
somehow had learned no lesson from the experience of six
months 6efore when Forrest with 1,500 men and Morgan
with 900 men had, by one month's work, reduced Buell's
army of over 50,000 men to ten days' rations with starva-
tion staring them in the face. They were doing this while
Bragg with about 30,000 men rested in safety at Chatta-
nooga.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 103

Nearly every soldier thought Bragg ought now to go to
Chattanooga at once and let Forrest and Morgan with
divisions, while Duke, Wharton, Armstrong, and Johnson,
each with a brigade, roam all over Kentucky and Tennessee
with the 15,000 cavalry now doing nothing around the army
except to watch the front and flanks of Bragg. They were
willing for him to keep General Wheeler. It was believed
by the soldiers that these veteran raiders with their veteran
and daring troops would not only terrorize everything they
did not capture in the rear of Rosecrans, but would recruit
ten thousand men in the two States before the summer was
over. Some suggested that the infantry and artillery could
fortify and hold the mountain gaps, from Huntsville to West
Virginia, while the cavalry harassed every army that might
attempt to break over. And many thought horses ought to
be brought out to mount Bragg's infantry and let it have a
chance to win. But from my observation and the opinion
of all the other soldiers I ever talked to on the subject, Bragg
was the pet of the President, and would be kept in control
until our backbone was broken. The time had already ar-
rived when no man would volunteer to enlist in the infantry
to serve under Bragg or any one else and no recruits could be
had except by conscription. Morgan had enlisted or secured
as many recruits on the Kentucky campaign as Bragg and
Kirby Smith combined. Every man who wanted to devote
his services and his life if necessary to the Southern cause
was ready for active, determined warfare. It made no dif-
ference about the weather or hardships so there was a chance
to get the best of the enemy. But the slavish monotony of
life in a big army, that could not now expect to gain victories
in the West, was already abhorred and believed to be a fatal
mistake. And then there was a spirit of vengeance being
bred in the Southern breast by the atrocities of the invaders
in the Southern States and by commanders of posts in Ken-
tucky.

In hearty sympathy with this universal feeling, I was with-
out a settled plan. Bowers entertained the same views when

104 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

I rejoined him near Charlotte. We concluded to leave the
vicinity of Charlotte and watch developments for a short
time. I bought a splendid bay mare from Mr. Nix, a black-
smith, three miles from Charlotte, for three hundred and
twenty-five dollars in Confederate money, and we went west
about fifteen miles to a good neighborhood on Yellow Creek.

We started back to Charlotte, where we thought more
could be observed with less risk. We had not gone far until
we learned that a large force of Federal cavalry was cross-
ing the Cumberland River at Palmyra that morning, only
twelve miles distant. We halted at a safe place until we
could learn the direction the column would take. We did
not have to wait long.

The enemy, marching from Palmyra, suddenly appeared
on Yellow Creek in the afternoon. We were in the highway
when refugees reported the advance within a mile. The
little wooded hills that bordered the creek bottoms furnished
a secluded rendezvous and we stationed ourselves with sev-
eral citizens about half a mile from the highway along the
creek, on a projecting hill, where we could have an extended
view. The column soon approached with detachments on
each flank that galloped about from house to house and
gathered up stock, especially mules and horses ; but the news
went ahead of the column and the people stampeded with
their animals. They did not come nearer than a few hundred
yards of our hiding-place, where we sat mounted with vi-
dettes on our flanks and a good line of retreat. But the Fed-
erals made a sweep of everything they could use. We esti-
mated the force at about 2,500, though the command was
too much scattered to be counted. After it had passed we
ventured out at sundown and learned that the force was
under command of Colonel Streight and had encamped three
miles up the creek.

We camped in the neighborhood with others, getting
supper at the house of a brother-in-law of Colonel Lock-
hart of Dover, who was commanding a Tennessee regiment
in the South, and met his wife here. After a casual glimpse

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 105

of the enemy's camp we departed for Charlotte at midnight
and reached Columbia the next evening, where we reported
to General Forrest. He ordered a company of scouts on the
march at once toward Centerville. But we inferred that he
expected to follow with a stronger force. He said it would
not be necessary for us to report to General Bragg, as he
would send a courier post-haste.

CHAPTER XI

Famous raid of Col. Abel D. Streight through Alabama to
Georgia — Famous pursuit and capture by Gen. N. B.
Forrest — Ovation to Forrest at Rome, Georgia — Federal
prisoners attest the kindness of Forrest.

We went out to the house of Mr. Miles H. Mays, our
friend, and remained a week or more, hoping General For-
rest would be sent after Streight and we would go along.
But it finally appeared that Forrest's scouts had lost
Streight' s track where he embarked on transports at Fort
Henry and went up the Tennessee River. But, besides, For-
rest had no orders to do anything else. We now returned
to Charlotte to await events. After we had been at Mr. Tal-
ley's about a week we heard from Columbia, that the Federals
were marching up the Tennessee River Valley, from Tus-
cumbia toward Decatur, opposed by General Roddey's bri-
gade of cavalry, and that Forrest had gone to his aid.

The pursuit of Streight by Forrest and the capture of
his entire command was the most marvelous performance
of the war. Forrest at no time had as many troops as
Streight and less than one-third as many when Streight
surrendered. The particulars are of special interest and I
quote extracts from a graphic account from "Wyeth's Life
of N. B. Forrest" :

At Spring Hill, on April 23d, a message arrived from General
Braxton Bragg, directing Forrest to make a forced march with
his old brigade to Decatur, Alabama, and uniting there with the
brigade of General Roddey, to take charge of all the Confeder-
ate troops and check the Federal advance. On receipt of this
order, Colonel Edmondson's Eleventh Tennessee was hurried
off with directions to reach Bainbridge on the Tennessee River
as soon as possible, cross there, and effect a junction with Rod-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 107

dey. Following with the Fourth, Ninth, and Tenth Tennessee
regiments, and Morton's battery, Forrest crossed the Tennes-
see River at Brown's Ferry, near Courtland, Alabama, on the
26th, and was soon in position to dispute the farther advance
of General Dodge. * * * General Dodge had pushed out
with his legions, and on Monday, April 27th, had driven the
Confederates across Town Creek, when he ascertained that the
enemy were in force under Forrest on the opposite bank.

On the 28th, although "the resistance of the enemy was very
strong, and their sharpshooters very annoying," the Union
commander succeeded in crossing the creek, the Confederates
retiring toward Courtland. Notwithstanding his advantage.
Dodge again withdrew to Town Creek that night and there
encamped.

It was here, about dark on the evening of the 28th of April,
when the fighting had ceased and the Union forces were going
into camp on Town Creek, that a well-known citizen of Tus-
cumbia, Mr. James Moon, after a hurried ride around and
through various Federal detachments, reached General Forrest
with the startling intelligence that a very considerable body of
mounted Union troops, estimated at about two thousand, had
passed through Mount Hope in the direction of Moulton, and
were probably now at the latter place. In his original plan,
General Rosecrans had intended that Dodge should advance no
farther than Tuscumbia in aid of Streight, but when at this
point he informed the leader of the raiders that Forrest was at
Town Creek, Streight insisted that Dodge should attack the lat-
ter and drive him at least as far as Courtland, or even to Deca-
tur, and thus hold Forrest off. Streight says, moreover : "It was
understood that in the event Forrest took after me in the direc-
tion of Moulton, Dodge and his cavalry were to follow Forrest."
Swinging loose from all support, and taking advantage of the
darkness of night to conceal his departure, Streight's "lightning
brigade" marched out of Tuscumbia in the direction of Mount
Hope on the 26th of April.

•i* *»* ^ H* ^ ^ •P

Sergeant H. Briedenthal, of Co. A, Third Ohio Inf., says:
"On the night of the 27th, at Mount Hope, Colonel Streight
received the cheering news from Dodge that he had Forrest on
the run, that he had crossed east of Town Creek, had driven
the Confederates away, and that he must now push on. Colonel
Streight did push on through mud and slush and rain, and late
on the afternoon of the 28th of April woke up the sleepy village
of Moulton with the largest procession of Union troopers that

108 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

secluded spot had yet entertained. Here he fed and rested his
weary cavalcade until i a. m. (29th), when, saddling up, he
moved eastward, with Blountsville as his next objective."

* * 9|c * * * He

When Forrest, at dark on the 28th of April, received the
information as to the presence of so large a body of mounted
troops so far detached from their main column, his quick per-
ception took in the situation at a glance.

*******

Three days' rations were cooked, and shelled com issued
for two days' forage.

*******

By one o'clock on the morning of the 29th of April all was
ready, and as the cavalcade rode out of the town of Courtland,
in the cold, drizzling rain which was falling and making the
muddy roads *still more difficult, there began a race and run-
ning fight between two bodies of cavalry which, in the brilliant
tactics of the retreat and stubbornness in defense on one side,
and the desperate bravery of the attack and relentlessness in

pursuit upon the other, has no analogue in military history.
*******

Steadily throughout that night, and well into the daylight of
the 29th, the Confederate leader rode without a halt.

On the morning of the 30th, Forrest, with about 1,000 of
his command in advance, overtook Streight and his 2,000 at
the top of Day's Gap on Sand Mountain. Forrest's men
rushed to the attack with Capt. Bill Forrest and his company
of scouts in the lead. They went yelling right up against
Streight's force, which had formed to receive the onset.
Forrest's orders were, "Shoot at everything blue and keep
up the scare!"

But Forrest was repulsed, and Streight, making a gallant
charge with his whole line, drove the Confederates back.
Among Forrest's losses was Capt. Bill Forrest, seriously
wounded, and two pieces of artillery.

However, Colonel Streight immediately got his command
off and pursued his journey in the direction of Blountsville.
In this fight fifty to seventy-five were killed and wounded on

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 109

each side. Lieutenant-Colonel Sheets, of the Fifty-first
Indiana, mortally wounded, was among Colonel Streight's
losses.

But Forrest pressed forward as before, and nine miles
from Day's Gap came in sight of the blue-coats. A running
fight ensued for several miles, until finally Streight was com-
pelled to give battle at Hog's' Mountain, which was desperate
and lasted into the night and until Colonel Biffle, with a
strong detachment, in the darkness flanked Streight and got
in his rear. Colonel Streight now managed to escape with
his command, leaving the two pieces of artillery behind that
he had captured from Forrest. Forrest had one horse killed
and two wounded under him in this desperate engagement.

The pursuit and skirmishing was hot and continuous from
Day's Gap to Blountsville for twenty-eight hours without
sleep — a distance of forty-three miles. And still Forrest kept
at the heels of the raiders. Colonel Streight says :

After resting about two hours we resumed our march in the
direction of Gadsden. The column had not got fairly under
way before our pickets were driven in and a short skirmish
ensued between Forrest's advance and our rear-guard under
Captain Smith in the town of Blountsville.

Forrest still crowded Streight for ten miles to the Black
Warrior River, where Streight was obliged to fight in order
that his men could pass the ford. Forrest got a little behind
here but soon caught up.

Streight reports that it was about five p. m. on the ist
day of May when he crossed the Black Warrior. He says :

With the exception of small parties who were continually
harassing the rear of the column, we proceeded without further
interruption until nine o'clock next morning, May 2d, when the
rear-guard was fiercely attacked at the crossing of Black Creek
near Gadsden.

But Colonel Streight got across the wooden bridge over
Black Creek and had it in flames before Forrest could get
to it.

110 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Wyeth says :

There was no other means of crossing the stream (deemed
impassable except by bridge or boat) nearer than two miles.

It now appeared that Streight would leave Forrest behind,
but it turned out otherwise. Wyeth says further :

Close by the roadside was a plain farm-house in which lived
a widow and two daughters. Here a brave girl only sixteen
years old, Emma Sanson, rode behind General Forrest, under
fire, and showed him at a secluded place an old ford where
he could cross his command.

The "lost" ford was soon cleared and made passable. For-
rest's advance-guard caught up with Streight at Gadsden,
only four miles from Black Creek, and started him on another
all-night march, although Colonel Streight says :

The command was in no condition to do so. Many of our
animals and men were entirely worn out and unable to keep up,
and were captured. It. now became evident to me that our only
hope was in crossing the river at Rome and destroying the
bridge, which would delay Forrest a day or two and allow the
command a little time to sleep, without which it would be
impossible to proceed.

Colonel Streight being sorely pressed, set an ambuscade
about fifteen miles from Gadsden, but Forrest was not caught
in it in making his attack. Here Colonel Gilbert Hathaway
was killed. He was Colonel Streight's chief support in the
command. Colonel Streight says :

His loss to me was irreparable. We remained in ambush but
a short time, when the enemy, who by some means had learned
of our whereabouts, commenced a flank movement. I then
decided to withdraw as silently as possible.

Wyeth says :

From Gadsden, by a parallel route, he (Forrest) had dis-
patched on horseback, to go right through to Rome, a courier
who would arrive there in time to warn the citizens to guard
or burn the bridge and thus stop the raiders.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 111

Colonel Streight was overtaken beyond Gaylesville, where
he had halted, as his command could go no farther. Here he
dismounted his men and let them sleep in line of battle.

But Forrest came up by nine a. m., and his men yelled
incessantly to create the impression of a large force. For-
rest now had less than six hundred men left to follow him.
He did not attack but made a bluff.

Colonel Streight, in his official report, says:

Nature was exhausted. A large portion of my best troops
actually went to sleep while lying in line of battle under a
severe skirmish fire.

Wyeth says:

It was at this propitious moment that General Forrest sent
Captain Henry Pointer, of his staff, with a flag of truce to the
Union commander, demanding the surrender of himself and
command. * * =>= Colonel Streight replied that he would meet
General Forrest to discuss the question, and in the conference
asked what his proposition was. Forrest replied : "Immediate
surrender — your men to be treated as prisoners of war ; the offi-
cers to retain their side-arms and personal property." Colonel
Streight requested a few minutes in which to consult his officers.
Forrest said : "All right, but you will not require much time.
I have a column of fresh troops at hand, now nearer Rome than
you are. You cannot cross the river in your front. I have men
enough right here to run over you." In all of this there was
not one word of truth ; but this is war, and in war everything is
fair.

Just then one piece of a section of Ferrell's battery, under
Lieut. R. G. Jones, came in sight.

^ *(* ^ *•* ^ *!• H'

Soon Sergeant Jackson came up with the other piece and took
position in the other half of the roadway.

Streight returned to his command, called his officers together,
and talked over the situation. They voted unanimously to sur-
render, and their commander, though personally opposed to
it, and still ready to fight to the death, yielded to the decision
of his subordinates. The men stacked their guns, and were
marched away to an open field or clearing, but it was not until
the Confederate general got his small command between the
Federal troopers and their arms that he felt himself secure.
*******

112 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Moving in front, the Federal commander had cleared up the
country of all horses and mules, and in this way kept his men
supplied with fresh mounts. He says : "I do not think that at
the time of the surrender we had a score of the mules drawn
at Nashville left." On the other hand, Forrest had no oppor-
tunity of supplying his men with animals. When, from casting
a shoe or other injury, or from exhaustion, one of his horses
gave out, that was the end of both man and horse as far as this
expedition was concerned.

*»* 'K ^ ••* •I* •T^ ^

Major-General Richard J. Oglesby, in his official report, says :
"One of Dodge's men who was with Streight and escaped, says
that when taken they were worn out, and Forrest captured
them with five hundred men. Streight thought a large force
was after him."

5jC IjC ^ 5p 3|£ 3|C 3(C

General Braxton Bragg reported to the War Department, at
Richmond: "May 3d, between Gadsden and Rome, after five
days and nights of fighting and marching, General Forrest
captured Colonel Streight and his whole command, about six-
teen hundred, with rifles, horses, etc."

The Congress of the Confederate States of America resolved
that : "The thanks of Congress are again due to General N. B.
Forrest and the officers and men of his command for meritorious
service on the field, and especially for the daring skill and perse-
verance exhibited in the pursuit and capture of the largely
superior forces of the enemy near Rome, Georgia, etc."
*******

It is safe to say that there entered into Rome, Georgia, on the
3d of May, 1863, the hungriest triumphal procession in the
history of this borough. The victorious troops were royally
entertained by the citizens, and the men and horses soon forgot
the severe ordeal to which they had been subjected. Even the
unfortunate prisoners were not neglected. Sergeant Brieden-
thal, in his diary, from which I have already quoted, says on
May 5th: "We have been treated well since our surrender,
by Forrest's men, who have used us as a true soldier should
treat a prisoner."

This testimony of a Federal soldier as to the treatment
of prisoners is noteworthy.

Colonel Streight and General Dodge had just desolated
the Alabama Valley between Eastport and Town Creek,
as will appear from the next chapter.

CHAPTER XII

Conduct of the invaders — Devastation of the country in Ten-
nessee, Alabama, and Mississippi — Cruelty to non-combatant
sympathizers with the South.

The army of General Bragg- had now been resting over
four months on the line of Shelbyville. General Van Dom
had been killed by a citizen of Spring Hill. The operations
of Forrest between Columbia and Brentwood and of Morgan
from McMinnville toward Lebanon had been the only
activity in Middle Tennessee.

But during this period the citizens of Kentucky, Missouri,
Tennessee, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Alabama, and
Virginia had suffered from all the horrors of war.

It would be fair to leave the story of these features of the
conduct of the invaders to be told by some of the Federal
officers and commanders who issued, or executed, the orders
to imprison and execute citizens, pillage and burn the barns,
mills, and homes of the people, use or destroy all provisions,
hogs, cattle, and horses, and terrorize non-combatants, and
in fact devastate the country. I submit the testimony (taken
from official reports) of a few of the Federal commanders
as follows:

Headquarters, Third Division, Fourteenth Army Corps.

Triune, Tenn., April 15, 1863.
Colonel : The enemy have been remarkably reserved for the
past four days.

*******

Van Dorn is quiet at Spring Hill with his force.
In the destruction of property, under the order of Major-
General Stanley to his command to burn the houses of all citi-

114 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

zens who have sons or near relatives in the Confederate service,
a large amount of forage was burned.

*******

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

James B. Steedman,
Brigadier-General Commanding, Third Division.

Lieut.-Col. George E. Flynt,

Chief of Staff, Fourteenth Army Corps.

Camp Near Murfreesboro, Tenn.

April 1 6, 1863.

Sir : I have the honor to submit the following report of the

late scout to Franklin, Tenn. :

Left camp with my command, consisting of the Second East

Tennessee Cavalry and a detachment of the Fourth Indiana

Cavalry, on the morning of Thursday, April 9, 1863; halted

at night about four miles south of Triune.

*******

On the nth instant, advanced as far as where the Fourth
U. S. Cavalry were engaged on the loth. Returned from that
place to where we halted on the morning of the loth instant.
Resumed march on the 13th for Murfreesborc at twelve a. m. ;
arrived at camp at nine p. m., burning on our way ten dwell-
ings and outhouses belonging to persons who had sons in the
Confederate army, as per order of Major-General Stanley.
I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

D. M. Ray,
Colonel Commanding, Third Cavalry Brigade.

Capt. W. H. Sinclair,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

Headquarters, District of Corinth.

May 2, 1863.
General : My command is coming in. I send brief report.
We had four fights, viz., at Bear Creek, Little Bear, Leighton,
and Town Creek. Captured about forty prisoners, 900 head of
mules and horses, 60 bales of cotton, and a large amount of
provisions, and destroyed at least 1,500,000 bushels of corn and
a large quantity of bacon, three tan-yards, and five mills ; took
the towns of Tuscumbia and Florence, and destroyed about 60
flat-boats on Tennessee River, breaking up every ferry from

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 115

Eastport to Courtland. A large number of refugees and
negroes joined us, and we have rendered useless for this year
the garden spot of Alabama.

I turned over 500 animals to Colonel Streight, and broke
down at least 400 more. Cattle, sheep, cows and hogs we
captured and used by the thousands, and I did not leave a thing
in the valley that I considered would in the least aid the enemy.

G. M. Dodge,

Brigadier-General.
Maj.-Gen. R. J. Oglesby, Jackson, Tenn.

Corinth, Miss., May 5, 1863.
Sir : I have the honor to submit the following report of the
expedition up the Tuscumbia Valley to Courtland, Ala.
*******

On my return, I burned all provisions, produce and forage,
all mills and tan-yards, and destroyed everything that would
in any way aid the enemy. I took stock of all kinds that I could
find, and rendered the valley so destitute that it cannot be
occupied by the Confederates, except provisions and forage be
transported to them.

9|C «|C 3|C 5|« ^ 3|C 3|C

G. M. Dodge,

Brigadier-General.
Capt. S. Wait,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Left Wing, Sixteenth Corps.

General Grant says :

Up to the battle of Shiloh I, as well as thousands of other
citizens, believed that the rebellion against the Government
would collapse suddenly and soon, if a decisive victory could
be gained over any of its armies.

*******

But when Confederate armies were collected which not only
attempted to hold a line farther south, from Memphis to Chat-
tanooga, Knoxville, and on to the Atlantic, but assumed the
offensive and made such a gallant effort to regain what had
been lost, then, indeed, I gave up all idea of saving the Union
except by complete conquest. Up to that time it had been the
policy of our army, certainly that portion commanded by me,
to protect the property of the citizens whose territory was

116 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

invaded, without regard to their sentiments, whether Union or
Secession. After this, however, I regarded it as humane to
both sides to protect the persons of those found at their homes,
but to consume everything that could be used to support or sup-
ply armies. Protection was still continued over such supplies
as were within lines held by us and which we expected to con-
tinue to hold ; but such supplies within the reach of Confederate
armies I regarded as much contraband as arms or ordnance
stores. Their destruction was accomplished without blood-
shed and tended to the same result as the destruction of armies.
I continued this policy to the close of the war.

?|C 5|C *fC SfC )|C 3|C SfC

On the 20th, General Van Dorn appeared at Holly Springs,
my secondary base of supplies, captured the garrison of 1,500
men commanded by Colonel Murphy, of the 8th Wisconsin Reg-
iment, and destroyed all our munitions of war, food and forage.
The capture was a disgraceful one to the officer commanding,
but not to the troops under him. At the same time Forrest got
on our line of railroad between Jackson, Tennessee, and Colum-
bus, Kentucky, doing much damage to it.

*******

After sending cavalry to drive Van Dorn away, my next
order was to despatch all wagons we had, under proper escort,
to collect and bring in all supplies of forage and food from a
region of fifteen miles east and west of the road from our front
back to Grand Junction, leaving two months* supplies for the
families of those whose stores were taken. I was amazed at
the quantity of supplies the country afforded.
*******

On the 26. of August I was ordered from Washington to live
upon the country, on the resources of citizens hostile to the
Government, so far as practicable. I was also directed to
handle rebels within our lines without gloves ; to imprison them,
or to expel them from their homes and from our lines.

A similar and worse condition of affairs had been suffered
by the people of Virginia during the past year, as may be
seen from the following orders of Gen. John Pope, command-
ing the Federal army:

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 117

Headquarters of the Army of Virginia.

July i8, 1862.
General Orders No. 5.

Hereafter, as far as practicable, the troops of this command
will subsist upon the country in which their operations are
carried on. * * *

By command of Major-General Pope.

George D. Ruggles,
Colonel, A. A.-General, and Chief of Staff.

Headquarters Army of Virginia.

July 18, 1862.
General Orders No. 7.

The people of the Valley of the Shenandoah and throughout
the region of the operations of this army, living along the lines
of railroad and telegraph, and along routes of travel in the rear
of United States forces, are notified that they will be held
responsible for any injury done the track, line, or road, or for
any attacks upon the trains or straggling soldiers, by bands of
guerrillas in their neighborhood. * * * Evil-disposed
persons in the rear of our armies, who do not themselves engage
directly in these lawless acts, encourage by refusing to interfere
or give any information by which such acts can be prevented or
the perpetrators punished. Safety of the Hfe and property of
all persons living in the rear of our advancing army depends
upon the maintenance of peace and quiet among themselves, and
upon the unmolested movements through their midst of all per-
taining to the military service. They are to understand dis-
tinctly that the security of travel is their only warrant of per-
sonal safety. * * * If a soldier or legitimate follower
of the army be fired upon from any house, the house shall be
razed to the ground and the inhabitants sent prisoners to the
headquarters of this army. If such an outrage occur at any
place distant from settlements, the people within five miles
around shall be held accountable, and made to pay an indemnity
sufficient for the case; and any person detected in such out-
rages, either during the act or at any time afterward, shall be
shot, without waiting civil process. * * *

By command of Major-General Pope.

George D. Ruggles, Colonel.

118 confederate operations

Headquarters Army of Virginia.

Washington, July 23, 1862.
General Orders No. 11.

Commanders of army corps, divisions, brigades, and detached
commands will proceed immediately to arrest all disloyal male
citizens within their lines, or within their reach in the rear of
their respective stations.

Such as are willing to take the oath of allegiance to the
United States, and will furnish sufficient security for its observ-
ance, shall be permitted to remain at their homes, and pursue
in good faith their accustomed avocations. Those who refuse
shall be conducted south beyond the extreme pickets of the
army, and be notified that, if found anywhere within our lines
or at any point in the rear, they will be considered spies, and
subjected to the extreme rigor of the military law.

George D. Ruggles,
Colonel, A. A.-General, and Chief of StaflF.

The operations of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler at New Orleans
were of a different character. Much might be given in detail
from many sources to portray the sufferings of the Southern
people in that locality, but an extract, which is taken from
the account of Jefferson Davis, will state the case sufficiently.

Of New Orleans, May i, 1862, and afterwards, he says :
*******

The United States forces were under the command of Maj.-

Gen. Benjamin F. Butler. Martial law was declared, and Brig.-

Gen. George F. Shepley was appointed military governor of

the State.

*******

Peaceful and aged citizens, unresisting captives, and non-
combatants were confined at hard labor with chains attached
to their limbs, and held in dungeons and fortresses; others
were subjected to a like degrading punishment for selling med-
icine to the sick soldiers of the Confederacy. The soldiers of
the invading force were incited and encouraged by general
orders to insult and outrage the wives and mothers and sisters
of the citizens ; and helpless women were torn from their homes
and subjected to solitary confinement, some in fortresses and
prisons — and one, especially, on an island of barren sand, under
a tropical sun — and were fed with loathsome rations and exposed

to vile insults.

*******

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 119

Egress from the city was refused to those whose fortitude
stood the test, and even to lone and aged women and to helpless
children; and, after being ejected from their houses and robbed
of their property, they were left to starve in the streets or subsist
on charity.

By an order (No. 91), the entire property in that part of
Lx)uisiana west of theMississippi River was sequestrated for con-
fiscation, and officers were assigned to the duty, with orders to
gather up and collect the personal property, and turn over to
the proper officers, upon their receipts, such of it as might be
required for the use of the United States Army ; and to bring
the remainder to New Orleans, and cause it to be sold at public
auction to the highest bidders. This was an order which, if it
had been executed, would have condemned to punishment, by
starvation, at least a quarter of a million of persons, of all ages,
sexes, and conditions. The African slaves, also, were not only
incited to insurrection by every license and encouragement, but
numbers of them were armed for a servile war, which in its
nature, as exemplified in other lands, far exceeds the horrors and
merciless atrocities of savages. In many instances the officers
were active and zealous agents in the commission of these
crimes, and no instance was known of the refusal of any one of
them to participate in the outrages.

The order of Major-General Butler, to which reference is
made above, was as follows:

Headquarters Department of the Gulf.

New Orleans.

As officers and soldiers of the United States have been sub-
jected to repeated insults from women, calling themselves
ladies, of New Orleans, in return fcr the most scrupulous non-
interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered hereafter,
when any female shall, by mere gesture or movement, insult,
or show contempt for any officers or soldiers of the United
States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as .1
woman about town plying her vocation.

By command of Major-General Butler.

This order was issued on May 15, 1862, and known as
General Order No. 28.

120 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

As a rule no report was made of the outrages committed
by the detachments sent out to pillage and burn by Stanley,
Payne, Turchin, Grierson, Milroy, Hunter, Merritt, etc.

But, No. 42, Rebellion Records, published at New York
during the war, contains among a large number a report of
an expedition by Colonel Montgomery, commander of a
negro regiment on the coast of Georgia. Montgomery de-
tailed his expedition on June 11, 1863, on an improvised gun-
boat with a force of negro soldiers, up the Altamaha River
to Darien, to pay his "compliments to the rebels of Georgia."
As he approached the town he says he threw shells into it
which drove the inhabitants "frightened and terror-stricken
in every direction." Then here is what he says his negro
soldiers did :

Pickets were sent out to the limits of the town. Orders were
then given to search the town, take what could be found of value
to the vessels, and then fire it. Officers then started off in
every direction, with squads of men, to assist. In a very short
time every house was broken into, and the work of pillage and
selection was begun. * * * Soon the men began to
come in in twos, threes, and dozens, loaded with every species
and all sorts and quantities of furniture, stores, trinkets, etc.,
etc., till one would be tired enumerating. We had sofas, tables,
pianos, chairs, mirrors, carpets, beds, bedsteads, carpenters*
tools, coopers' tools, law books, account books in unlimited sup-
ply, china sets, tinware, earthenware. Confederate shin plasters,
old letters, papers, etc., etc., etc. A private would come along
with a slate, yard stick, and a brace of chickens in one hand, a
table on his head, and in the other hand a rope with a cow
attached. * * * Droves of sheep and cows were
driven in and put aboard. * * * Darien contained
from seventy-five to one hundred houses — not counting slave
cabins, of which there were several to every house, the number
varying evidently according to the wealth of the proprietor.
One fine broad street ran along the river, the rest starting from
it. All of them were shaded on both sides, not with young;
saplings, but good sturdy oaks and mulberries, that told of a
town of both age and respectability. It was a beautiful town ;
and never did it look so grand and beautiful as in its destruc-
tion. As soon as a house was ransacked, the match was applied,
and by six o'clock the whole town was in one sheet of flame.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 121

* * * The South must be conquered inch by inch ; and
what we can't put a force in to hold, ought to be destroyed.
If we must burn the South, so be it. * * * We reached
camp next day, Friday, about three o'clock p. m. The next
morning the plunder was divided, and now it is scattered all
over the camp, but put to good use the whole of it. Some of
the quarters really look princely, with their sofas, divans,
pianos, etc.

CHAPTER XIII

Organization to raid western Kentucky and recruit a regiment —
Fight and defeat at Dixon — Return to Tennessee.

At this period the operations of troops in Tennessee had
been confined to the commands of Forrest and Morgan on
the left and right wings of Bragg's army and Wheeler in
the center.

Our location at Charlotte was within 2J miles of Nashville.
Nothing of interest occurred until June, when John W.
Head of Providence, and Rev. William Dimmitt of Madison-
ville, came through from their homes and reported the situa-
tion in Kentucky. Dimmitt had been chaplain of Colonel
Johnson's regiment. Head was a lieutenant in the regi-
ment, but had been one of those who had been cut off and
had been hiding about in the woods with others, expecting
Johnson to return. Dimmitt was the foremost minister in
his church — the Christian denomination. They reported
great persecution of the citizens by the Federals. Mr. Dim-
mitt's home was four miles from Madisonville and he re-
ported the garrison to be sixty-five cavalry at that place.

About this time Colonel Ross of West Tennessee, who had
been wounded some months before, stopped in the neigh-
borhood. And next came my uncle, Capt. F. M. Headley,
from the army in Mississippi, on leave to go into Kentucky
and endeavor to secure recruits for his company. He had
carried out the first and only infantry company from Hop-
kins County in 1861.

It was suggested by Parson Dimmitt that a company of
thirty men could make its way through the lines and capture
the garrison at Madisonville by attacking at daylight. He
proposed to go if the men could be gathered together. This

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 123

expedition was at once approved. The prospects of the
exploit filled us all with the idea that its success would enable
us to recruit a regiment before we could be expelled from the
territory.

It was soon agreed that Dimmitt should be colonel, Ross,
lieutenant-colonel. Head was to recruit a company, and
Captain Headley likewise to serve temporarily. Bowers and
I agreed to accompany the expedition and help. We soon
secured the pledges of twelve in all, and within a week or
ten days about twenty were ready, and most of them had
arms. But no one had ammunition. Head knew where Col.
Adam Johnson had buried two kegs of powder and several
sacks of buckshot in a cavern not far from Cerulean
Springs, in Trigg County, Kentucky, and he and I were
selected to go on the trip for the supply of ammunition,
while the others would endeavor to fill out as large a com-
mand as possible.

Head and I reached the cabin of our friend Murray on
the bank of the Cumberland River on the first day, where we
spent the night. We made a night ride of it by Brewer's Mill
and on to Baker's near White's Bridge, where Bowers and
I had stopped. . We told Baker our plans and arranged with
him to go to Madisonville, or go over to Thompson Hamby's
in Hopkins County and send him to get the exact location
of the camp of the garrison in town by the time our com-
mand came in. The friend who assisted in the burial of the
ammunition promptly aided us, and we soon got as much as
we could carry in saddle-bags duly wrapped up for safe
carriage. We traveled through by the same route and
reached Talley's, near Charlotte, in safety.

Arrangements were now about complete to take our depar-
ture for Kentucky. But, unfortunately, the next day about
ten o'clock three of our men were run out of Charlotte by
a cavalry company of Federals. One of them, our friend
Walker, came to Talley's, where sixteen of our company had
met, at full speed, to give the alarm. We all mounted our
horses and went around the farm into a dense woods, where

124 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

we felt safe, and dismounted to await events, leaving a picket
on our track to watch the house and road toward town. We
had been here but a little while when we heard a noise back
in the woods that sounded like horses coming. It was the
Federal cavalry within seventy-five yards of us. By the
time we got mounted we were running, and we made as much
noise among the bushes as would be made by a hurricane.
The woods were too thick for the enemy to shoot, even if
ready, and no doubt they thought they were getting into
an ambuscade. Our party stampeded about three hundred
yards and halted on a hill in the woods, as some of the men
had pistols and the guns were loaded. We wanted to give
the enemy a few shots. I now discovered that in the race the
weight of my powder and shot, being jolted, tore my saddle-
bags apart in the middle and away went half of our supply
of ammunition. We saw the Federals stop just in sight and
turn back. No doubt they had expected to surprise us at the
house and capture the crowd, which might have been an
easy job, but since we were mounted and wide awake on a
hill in thick woods, the matter was different. The Federals
retraced their steps to Charlotte and returned to Clarksville
without going to Talley's house.

We were in trouble when we found they had picked up
the ammunition I had lost. However, it was decided to try
and make our way into Kentucky by traveling at night to
the place where we left the greater part of the ammunition.

Starting after supper, we rode through Charlotte and on
to Barton's Creek and encamped in a secluded wood. We
remained here a couple of days and in the interim got a
supply of ammunition from parties on Yellow Creek. We
then moved down near the road that leads from Clarks-
ville to Dover on the south side of the river. Here we camped
in a safe retreat. Colonel Brewer, a daring Confederate,
whose command had been scattered north of Clarksville,
joined us here, but for the trip to Christian County only.
We now had twenty-eight in our force, exclusive of Brewer,
and all pretty well armed with pistols and double-barreled

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 125

shotguns. When we were ready for our march, Colonel
Dimmitt formed the party in line and delivered a patriotic
and inspiring address, in which he demonstrated the absolute
necessity for strict obedience of orders and attention to duty
even more important on this perilous raid than in an encamp-
ment of the Regular Army. He then proposed that an oath
be administered by which every person connected with the
command should bind himself not to leave the ranks on the
journey, either to visit or stop at his home, or for any other
purpose. He invited those who were unwilling to enter
into this obligation to ride to the front out of ranks. Not a
man went. The oath was then administered by Colonel
Dimmitt to all the command and then by Colonel Ross to
Dimmitt.

We crossed the Cumberland River at Murray's by swim-
ming the horses after dark, and camped near Squire
Fletcher's. We made an early start next morning and were
across the Dover and Clarksville road by sunrise. We fol-
lowed the private route to the Hurricane timber and rested
until night, arranging for supper and forage in the neighbor-
hood. We made it convenient, of course, to conceal our
presence from all save friends on this trip, as we were now
in the enemy's country. After night we pushed forward to
the neighborhood of the ammunition and supplied all with
powder and buckshot.

At Cerulean Springs we met a party of Confederates, and
recognized an officer as they approached. This was Lieut.-
Col. Robert M. Martin, commander of the Tenth Kentucky
Cavalry in Morgan's command. He told us he was wounded
at McMinnville, Tennessee, just before Morgan started on
the Ohio raid, and was left behind. He was shot in the
right lung with a Minie ball, which lodged in his lung and
was still there. He said he had been on a "fly" to the old
stamping-ground. We offered him the command of our
crowd if he would go back, but he declined.

It was arranged that Colonel Dimmitt and I go off the
road to Allen Baker's and get his report of the situation at

126 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Madisonville. After sunset we came to the fork of the road
and left the command, which was to travel along slowly
across White's Bridge over Tradewater River, then to
Charleston, four miles, and take the Madisonville road, which
place was twelve miles farther on.

When Dimmitt and I reached Baker's we got a good
supper and our horses were well fed. The situation was
unchanged at Madisonville and the camp was in an old
livery stable. Baker belonged to Bro. Dimmitt's church in
that locality, so I rested while they talked. We left there
at 8 o'clock at night and jogged along four miles to White's
Bridge, when I suggested that we should hurry on; but
Dimmitt said he could not stand the jolting of a fast gait
and we had plenty of time. He was elated over the idea
of surprising the enemy at daybreak. We now knew the
exact location of the camp, and both being familiar with the
approach we planned every detail of the arrangement for the
attack.

At daylight we overtook our column six miles from Madi-
sonville, where it had halted on the roadside in an open wood-
land. I had been feeling discouraged and Dimmitt had
declared that, if we were too late, we could conceal our men
during the day and take Madisonville the next morning. The
men were all furious when we arrived. Dimmitt made his
explanation in a very sorrowful manner and expressed his
painful regrets at the delay. Dimmitt proposed that we go
through a by-road to Mrs. Kirkwood's, four miles distant,
where we could arrange for breakfast in the woods and
camp in a secluded place. This was decided on, and, to my
astonishment, Dimmitt said he would go through the woods
two miles to his home, spend a few hours with his family,
and join us in camp during the afternoon. The command
then devolved upon Colonel Ross and we moved away on the
road to Mrs. Kirkwood's.

I soon saw that the men did not intend to allow Dimmitt
to have any further connection with our expedition. Sev-
eral other men were as near their homes as Dimmitt, and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 127

yet he was the first and only one to forget his oath, taken in
Tennessee. I felt sorry for him when I came to reflect that
this was his first experience, but we were not in condition
to allow him to learn the business at our expense. We
arranged without trouble with Mrs. Kirkwood and a neigh-
bor for breakfast, and spent the day in a secluded woods, rest-
ing ourselves and the horses. Dimmitt did not make his
appearance by sunset, so we recognized Colonel Ross as our
commander, who decided to move six miles farther west and
encamp above Stoney Point on Clear Creek, just below
Burnett's Bridge. We moved that night across toward Provi-
dence to wild woods in Wiers Creek flats and encamped.
The next morning we arranged with Kerney G. Rice for
breakfast, and he entertained us all at his hospitable home
two and a half miles from Providence. We passed through
Providence, exciting a good deal of curiosity, as several of
us were at home ; but we only tarried a few moments, none
dismounting. We took the road to Caseyville, on the Ohio
River, but bore to the right and went to Clayville, nine miles,
where we halted for half an hour and bought a lunch of
cheese, crackers, and cove oysters at a family grocery. I
bought a pocket-knife from Joel Blackwell, a Union man.
We then turned toward Dixon, the county-seat of Webster
County, after learning it was not occupied by a garrison. We
traveled the ten miles to Dixon by twelve o'clock, includ-
ing a stoppage to feed our horses. At Dixon we rested an
hour, perhaps, and mingled with our friends among the cit-
izens, giving it out that we were going to Providence.

We had calculated that forty or fifty of the garrison at
Madisonville would be on our trail about half a day behind.
And except for an accident our idea would have been cor-
rect. Kerney Rice, where we got breakfast, was one of my
mess-mates at Hopkinsville and at Fort Donelson, where he
surrendered with those who remained behind when Forrest
took the rest of us out. When the year expired for which we
enlisted, he was still in prison, and taking the oath of alle-
giance was released and came home. He told me we were

128 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

welcome to anything on his place but he was obliged, under
his oath, to send a man to Madisonville and report us. It
was sixteen miles, however, to Madisonville, and the Fed-
erals could not come to the locality before night.

It was our plan on leaving Dixon after our circuit to go
four miles on the road toward Providence, then turn square
to the left on the Madisonville road and follow this to the
Shake-Rag hills, very near Madisonville, and we would go in
next morning at daybreak and capture all that were left in
camp, while at least half of the garrison was out on our trail.

It happened that the man Rice sent to Madisonville met
the pursuing force on the Rose Creek road, only six miles
from Rice's house, near Wm. Peyton's. They questioned
him, of course. He had been sent to report. Peyton, the
leading Union man of that section, lived two miles from
Nebo and knew several of us intimately. He joined in the
chase as the guide. At most, they were only eight miles
behind us, and followed at full speed. We rode leisurely out
of Dixon, all the men closing up but two, who came rushing
after us just as we reached a thick woods in the edge of the
town on a ridge. We looked back at the first sound of run-
ning horses and saw the two men were closely pursued by a
company of blue-coats. Colonel Ross ordered us into the
edge of the woods and tried to form us into line quickly.
Our two men rushed by us and entered the woods beyond.
The enemy came in column of fours and I heard the com-
mander order a charge. We opened fire with our shot-guns
when they were within fifty yards, but they did not pause.
Colonel Ross ordered us to dismount and get behind trees.
About half of us dismounted and balked the rush of the
enemy. Nearly half our men had given way and Colonel
Ross ordered us to mount. I was up in a second and off at
full speed. Colonel Ross, I noticed, was wounded, and Cap-
tain Headley's horse being shot, he was captured ; but Ross
mounted and escaped. There were over fifty in the attacking
party and not over half our men fired a gun ; but they were
not to blame as we were taken by surprise and had no time
to take position for a fight.

)

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 129

Most of the Federals, without stopping, dashed after the
rest of us through the thick woods. I had gone about a
hundred yards and was getting away on my fast-running
mare, when I felt my saddle come loose. I found the girth
had broken and I must go off with the saddle or get rid of
it. I turned off to the right to get out of the track of the
pursuers, and grasping my mare's mane I managed to let the
saddle off behind. I had slacked up a little, but the blue-
coats followed the .crowd, and now I pushed forward without
a saddle or baggage. I soon came to a field and turned to
the right still farther, but presently came upon another fence
running squarely to my right as far as I could see. The
cheering Federals were a hundred yards to my left going on
the other side of the little field after the main body of our
men and firing all the time. I could not see far behind me
and decided that I was hemmed in if any of the enemy were
after me. I rode to the right some thirty yards, dismounted,
and hitched my mare to the fence, under a tree, and ran under
that much cover to the right until I reached the woods in a
thick place, when I got over and climbed a sugar-tree with
low spreading branches, that a man could not see into unless
he got under it. From this tree I had a glimpse of my mare.
I thought I might meet the enemy if I went in any direction.
The cheering and shooting went on away from me until they
appeared to be half a mile distant. I now felt safe unless
they should look for me as they returned. But they did not
come near me, though I could hear them going back.

After sunset I slipped along through the woods and found
my saddle and baggage undisturbed. Presently I heard a
man calling cows about two hundred yards distant across the
field, and saw that his house was not far off. I ventured out
a short distance and called to him. He came to me and I
recognized him as Joseph Jenkins, who had been one of my
father's customers for merchandise in my boyhood. He
brought me feed for my mare and a good supper, mended
my saddle girth, and gave me a hat — I having lost mine in
the chase. It was eight miles to my father's house. Jenkins

130 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

directed me through the woods to the highway, and I reached
home about nine o'clock. My parents were glad to see me
alive after the events of the day. My father had learned
from Providence that the Federals, after our fight, had gone
back by way of Clayville and then to Providence, where they
had halted a few minutes. My uncle. Captain Headley, was
their only prisoner. His feet were tied together under the
horse he rode, to prevent his escape. When my uncle sur-
rendered, Wm. Peyton, the guide and acquaintance, became
ferocious, and rushed forward to shoot him, but the captain
of the company interfered and saved Captain Headley's life.
After leaving Providence the Federal command came along
the big road by my father's farm, en route to Madisonville.

We learned the next day that a young man named Pate,
from Tennessee, had been wounded severely during the re-
treat and was hid in a cabin on the farm of Andrew Bruce,
one mile from my father's house on the road to Madisonville.
He finally recovered and went to the South.

I managed to have inquiries made in all directions for my
comrades, but it appeared that none had stopped in Hopkins
County. After spending a few days at home, I started south
again and traveled by the familiar route to Squire Fletcher's,
and crossing by canoe at Murray's, arrived safely at the
home of Mr. Watkins. Thus ended in disaster the expedi-
tion of Colonel Dimmitt into Kentucky. I learned that a
number of friends were boarding on Barton's Creek at a
farmhouse near Dickerson's store. I went there and
arranged to stay with the crowd a few days before proceed-
ing toward Bragg's army at Chattanooga. I found Capt.
John H. Christy, of the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry, and we
traveled together, reaching the army a few days after the
battle of Chickamauga.

CHAPTER XIV

Bragg's retreat from Shelbyville to Chattanooga — ^Wheeler's
fight and escape at Shelbyville — Morgan starts on Ohio
raid — Federal commanders lose Morgan in Kentucky, except
those on his trail — Morgan crosses into Indiana, passes near
Cincinnati — Morgan surrenders, and with his officers is
confined in Ohio Penitentiary.

The monotony in General Bragg's army had been broken
by the retreat to Chattanooga, where it was now safely
located. In the retreat from Shelbyville, General Forrest's
command was unable to reach the bridge over Duck River in
time to cross there, and General Wheeler, seeing that Forrest
was cut off, led 500 cavalry across the bridge and soon
encountered the enemy, whom he fought back until he and his
command were cut off from the bridge and it looked like he
would be captured ; but Wheeler, calling upon his men to fol-
low him, rode to the steep river bank and plunged his horse
over into the deep water fifteen feet below. His men followed.
Horses and riders went under and some were drowned. The
enemy swarmed upon the bank and poured volley after vol-
ley upon the struggling masses, but Wheeler and most of
the men reached the other bank and escaped. Forrest, find-
ing the enemy in his front, made a circuit and crossed his
command over the river in safety. Now all were at Chatta-
nooga with Bragg's army. Rosecrans's army had followed
to the mountains.

I now learned some of the particulars of the raid of
General John H. Morgan and his capture in Ohio with
about 1,800 of his command. I had heard of it in Kentucky,
and it was said at Madisonville, his home, that Gen. James
M. Shackelford claimed the honor of making the capture.

132 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Although the expedition had resulted in disaster to Gen-
eral Morgan and his command it had been of great ad-
vantage in many ways. It had surprised and mystified the
Federal commanders in Kentucky and terrorized Indiana
and Ohio, besides creating widespread consternation all
over the North. It had prevented reinforcements to Rose-
crans and prevented the advance of Burnside through Cum-
berland Gap to East Tennessee. The result did not alter
the romance and grandeur of the expedition. It had
attracted the attention of the South as well as the North
above all other events, especially in the closing scenes, when
it was known that he had eluded and escaped from all pur-
suers, and had reached the Ohio River at Buffington Island,
where it was expected he could ford the river. It was esti-
mated that over 30,000 regular troops, besides over 50,000
militia, were in front and rear of Morgan during the twenty-
five days from the time he crossed the Cumberland River,
at Burkesville, until he surrendered. It will be remembered
that Colonel Streight with 2,000 men left Tuscumbia, and
with a start of twenty-four hours was pursued by Forrest
with only one small brigade, and surrendered 1,600 of his
men at the end of five days, when Forrest had but 500 men.

General Morgan's raid was perhaps unparalleled in the
annals of warfare. It was intended at the outset, by Gen-
eral Bragg, that Morgan would cross the Cumberland,
threaten or capture Louisville, and make such a diversion
as would hamper and check General Rosecrans, or in the
event that Rosecrans advanced Morgan would turn upon
his rear. But when Morgan had crossed the Cumberland
River, half a dozen brigades of infantry and cavalry began
to close on him from all directions. He ran the gauntlet,
captured garrisons, burned bridges, tapped and cut telegraph
wires, and managed to elude and mystify the enemy as to
his movements and the number of his troops until they had
lost him entirely, except those on his trail. When he cap-
tured two steamboats at Brandenberg, forty miles below
Louisville, and crossed his command over to Indiana, it

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 133

stampeded the enemy on the river. It was believed at first,
by the Federal commanders, that Morgan had gone down
the Ohio River on the steamboats. Even the commander
at Cairo, Illinois, called on the commander at Columbus,
Kentucky, for 800 infantry reinforcements.

Gen. Basil W. Duke, who commanded one of the two
brigades of General Morgan's division on the Ohio raid,
says :

He (Morgan) had ordered me three weeks previously to send
intelligent men to examine the fords of the upper Ohio — that
at Buffington among them ; and it is a fact, of which others, as
well as myself, are cognizant, that he intended — long before he
crossed the Ohio — ^to make no effort to recross it, except at
some of these fords, unless he found it more expedient, when
he reached that region, to join General Lee, if the latter should
still be in Pennsylvania.

As it turned out only the unprecedented rise in the Ohio
caused his capture — he had avoided or had cut his way through
all other dangers.

On the 2d of July, 1863, the crossing of the Cumberland
began, the first brigade crossing at Burkesville and Scott's
Ferry, two miles above, and the second crossing at Turkey-neck
Bend. The river was out of its banks, and running like a mill-
race. The first brigade had, with which to cross the men and
their accoutrements, and artillery, only two crazy little flats,
that seemed ready to sink under the weight of a single man,
and two or three canoes. Col. Adam R. Johnson, commanding
the Second Brigade, was not even so well provided. The horses
were made to swim.

Just twelve miles distant upon the other side, at Marrow-
bone, lay Judah's cavalry, which had moved to that point from
Glasgow, in anticipation of some such movement upon Morgan's
part as he was now making. OUR ENTIRE STRENGTH
WAS TWENTY-FOUR HUNDRED AND SIXTY
EFFECTIVE MEN— THE FIRST BRIGADE NUMBER-
ING FOURTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTY, THE SEC-
OND ONE THOUSAND.

It should be observed that General Morgan and his com-
mand appear to have been lost to the Federal commanders

134 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

after crossing the Cumberland River. A number of official
despatches of the Federal officers, covering this period, are
given below :

Lexington, Ky., July 4, 1863 — 8 a. m.
Received 8.45 a. m.
General Burnside :

Following just received:

"Marrowbone, July 3 — 8 p. m.

"The developments of the past two hours verifies my con-
jecture, and justifies the movements I ordered toward Columbia
and Greensburg. The Eighth Kentucky Cavalry has been in
Burkesville. No enemy in my front. I have arranged to have
Mason's brigade in Glasgow by a forced march some time
to-morrow night. Cavalry entire to precede infantry and artil-
lery, and go on to Greensburg. Hobson's brigade I have
ordered to follow up Shackelford. You will perceive the neces-
sity for the different movements of the two brigades. Mor-
gan's whole force, from 4,000 to 5,000, has advanced toward
Columbia. If Carter can check them until my force can come,
all will be well. I think it will, anyhow. Bacon Creek Bridge
will be the point struck, I believe, just above Munfordville.
I think Morgan may now be permanently disposed of, by
checking him beyond Columbia until I can get at him and
partly behind him. I will be in Glasgow to-morrow, and, un-
less I receive contrary orders, continue to direct Shackelford's
movements, as well as those of my division. Forces at Russell-
ville and Bowling Green should be returned, and surplus con-
centrated at Munfordville. M. H. Judah."
A. E. Burnside,

Major-General.

Louisville, July 4, 1863 — 10.20. (Rec. 10.45.)
General Burnside:

If there are any troops at Indianapolis or in Ohio, had they
not better be sent here ? Morgan has got on around our forces,
and threatens the railroads. Morgan has 4,500 men. I have
no force under my command to protect the road. I regret the
troops have moved from Columbia, and believe part of Carter's
division will have to be moved to Lebanon or other point.
Morgan's men are mounted, and it will be difficult to engage
them except at his option.

J. T. Boyle,

Brigadier-General.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 135

Cincinnati, July 4, 1863.
General Hartsuff, Lexington, Ky. :

I do not think any improvement can be made upon the dispo-
sitions made by yourself and Judah. I am satisfied there can
be no force to come through Cumberland Gap. If we can
succeed in whipping Morgan, it is my intention to make a quick
and rapid movement into East Tennessee. Use all your avail-
able force to operate against him.

A. E. BURNSIDE,

Major-General.

Louisville, July 10, 1863.
General Hartsuff (Lexington, Ky.) :

Wires all cut in Indiana. Morgan's force reached the rail-
road. I cannot communicate with General Bumside.
*******

J. T. Boyle,

Brigadier-General.

Col. B. W. Duke, having surrendered with part of his
brigade, says :

On the next day, the 20th, we were marched down the river
bank some ten miles to the transport which was to take us to
Cincinnati, and she steamed off as soon as we were aboard of
her. A portion of the Ninth Tennessee had been put across
the river in a small flat before the fight fairly commenced and
these men, under command of Captain Kirkpatrick, pressed
horses and made their escape. Colonel Grigsby and Captain
Byrnes also crossed the river here and succeeded in escaping.
Between eleven and twelve hundred men retreated with General
Morgan, closely pursued by Hobson's cavalry, the indefatigable
Woolford, as usual, in the lead. Some three hundred of the
command crossed the river at a point about twenty miles above
Buflington. Colonel Johnson and his staff swam the river here
and got safely ashore, with the exception of two or three of the
latter, who were drowned in the attempt.

The arrival of the gunboats prevented the entire force from

crossing. General Morgan had gained the middle of the river,

and, having a strong horse, could have gained the other shore

without difficulty, but seeing that the bulk of his command

would be forced to remain on the Ohio side, he returned to it.
*******

136 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

General Morgan surrendered in a very peculiar manner.

In the extreme eastern part of Ohio (where he now was),
he came into the "district" of a Captain Burbeck, who had his
militia under arms. General Morgan sent a message to Captam
Burbeck, under flag of truce, requesting an interview with him.
Burbeck consented to meet him, and, after a short conference.
General Morgan concluded a treaty with him, by which he
(Morgan) engaged to take and disturb nothing, and do no sort
of damage in Burbeck's district, and Burbeck, on his part,
covenanted to guide and escort Morgan to the Pennsylvania
line. After riding a few miles, side by side, with his host.
General Morgan, espying a long cloud of dust rolling rapidly
upon a course parallel with his own (about a mile distant), and
gaining his front, thought it was time to act. So he interrupted
a pleasant conversation by suddenly asking Burbeck how he
would like to receive his (Morgan's) surrender. Burbeck
answered that it would afford him inexpressible satisfaction to
do so. "But," said Morgan, "perhaps you would not give me
such terms as I wish." "General Morgan,'' replied Burbeck,
"you might write your own terms, and I would grant them."
"Very well, then," said Morgan, "it is a bargain. I will
surrender to you." He accordingly surrendered to Captain
Burbeck, of the Ohio militia, upon condition that officers and
men were to be paroled, the latter retaining their horses, and the
former horses and side-arms. When General Shackelford
(Hobson's second in command, and the officer who was
conducting the pursuit in that immediate region) arrived, he
at once disapproved the arrangement and took measures to
prevent its being carried into effect. Some officers, who had
once been Morgan's prisoners, were anxious that it should be
observed, and Woolford generously interested himself to have
it done. The terms of this surrender were not carried out.
The cartel (as Morgan had anticipated) had been repudiated,
and the terms for which he had stipulated, under that
apprehension, were repudiated also.

Although this expedition resulted disastrously, it was, even
as a failure, incomparably the most brilliant raid of the entire
war.

General James M. Shackelford, in his official report, says :

Learning that Morgan, with about four hundred men, had
crossed the railroad and was going in the direction of Smith's
Ford, I ordered Major Rue to return, with the advance, to the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 137

head of the column, then on the New Lisbon road. We had
gone about seven miles when a courier from Major Rue
announced that Morgan had run into the New Lisbon road
ahead of him. Within a few minutes a second courier came
from Major Rue, stating that he had come up with the enemy
and wished me to send forward reinforcements immediately.
The whole column was thrown forward at the utmost speed of
the horses. We came to where the roads forked. The enemy
had gone to the left, and was between the two roads. My
advance had taken the right-hand road. I moved the column
on the road the enemy had gone. On our approach, several of
the enemy started to run. Just at this moment a flag came
from the enemy, the bearer stating that General Morgan wanted
a personal interview with me. I caused the firing to cease, and
moved around to where Morgan and his staff were standing in
the road. Morgan claimed that he had surrendered to a militia
captain. Major Rue had very properly refused to take any
action in the premises until I came up. I ordered Morgan and
his staff to ride forward with Colonel Woolford and myself,
and ordered Major Rue to take charge of the balance of the
prisoners.

Morgan stated to me, in the presence of Colonel Woolford
and other officers, that he had become thoroughly satisfied that
escape from me was impossible; that he himself might have
escaped by deserting his men, but that he would not do so. He
also stated in the same conversation that he did not care for the
militia ; that he could, with the command he had, whip all the
militia in Ohio ; yet he said that since crossing the Ohio he had
found every man, woman, and child his enemy; that every hill
top was a telegraph and every bush an ambush. After travel-
ing back two miles we halted, to have the prisoners dismounted
and disarmed. General Morgan then desired a private inter-
view. He called three or four of his staff and Colonel Cluke.
I asked Colonel Woolford to attend the interview. He claimed
that he had surrendered to a militia captain, and the captain
had agreed to parole him, his officers and men. I stated that
we had followed him thirty days and nights ; THAT WE HAD
MET AND DEFEATED HIM A NUMBER OF TIMES;
we had captured nearly all of his command; that he had
acknowledged, in the presence of Colonel Woolford, that he
knew I WOULD CAPTURE HIM; that he himself might
have escaped by deserting his men, but that he would not do
so; that we were on the field; that Major Rue had gone to his
right and Captain Ward to his left, and the main column was

138 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

moving rapidly upon his rear; that he had acknowledged the
militia captain was no impediment in his way, showing by his
own statement that he could, with the force of men he then had,
whip all the militia in Ohio; that I regarded his surrender to
the militia captain, under such circumstances, as not only absurd
and ridiculous, but unfair and illegal, and that I would not
recognize it at all. He then demanded to be placed back on
the field as I had found him. I stated to him that his demand
would not be considered for a moment ; that he, together with
his officers and men, would be delivered to Major-General
Burnside, at Cincinnati, Ohio, and that he would take such
action in the premises as he might think proper. The number
of prisoners captured with Morgan was about 350.

General B. W. Duke says :

While we were waiting in the hall, to which we were
assigned, before being placed in our cells, a convict, as I sup-
posed, spoke to me in a low voice from the grated door of one
of the cells already occupied. I made some remark about the
familiarity of our new friends on short acquaintance, when by
the speaker's peculiar laugh I recognized General Morgan.
He was so shaven and shorn that his voice alone was recog-
nizable, for I could not readily distinguish his figure. We were
soon placed in our respective cells and the iron-barred doors
locked.

5|C 5J€ JjC SjC JjC ifC ^

When we returned to the hall, we met General Morgan,
Colonel Cluke, Calvin Morgan, Captain Gibson, and some
twenty-six others — our party numbered sixty-eight in all.
General Morgan and most of the officers who surrendered with
him, had been taken to Cincinnati and lodged in the city prison
(as we had been), with the difference, that we had been placed
in the upper apartments (which were clean), and he and his
party were confined in the lower rooms, in comparison with
which the stalls of the Augean stables were boudoirs. After
great efforts. General Morgan obtained an interview with
Burnside, and urged that the terms upon which he had sur-
rendered should be observed, but with no avail. He and the
officers with him were taken directly from Cincinnati to the
Ohio Penitentiary, and had been there several days when we
(who came from Johnson's Island) arrived.

CHAPTER XV

Col. Robert M. Martin — Record in Morgan's cavalry —
Morgan's men under Martin open and close battle of
Chickamauga — Forrest loses his division.

Among the daring spirits of the Southern cavalry it is
due that more than ordinary mention be made of the
personal record of Col. Robert M. Martin. And it may be
pardonable for the reason that we w^ere companions from
this period to the close of the war and ever afterward.

Robert Maxwell Martin was born January lo, 1840, near
Greenville, Muhlenburg County, Kentucky, and was some
months over 23 years of age at this time.

Martin was six feet in height and straight as an Indian
until wounded in the right lung at McMinnville. He was
now a little bent, but his form was shapely, his weight being
about 160 pounds. His eyes were bluish gray with very
light or blonde hair, mustache and goatee. In camp he was
playful and mischievous. In battle or in time of peril he was
at his best and had no superior. He belonged to the only
class of the Southern people to whom General Sherman paid
a compliment in a letter to General Halleck when asked for
his opinion of the disposition that should be made of the
population after the war.

General Sherman says :

The young bloods of the South, sons of planters, lawyers
about towns, good billiard-players and sportsmen, men who
never did work and never will. War suits them, and the rascals
are brave, fine riders, bold to rashness, and dangerous subjects
in every sense. They care not a sou for niggers, land, or any-
thing. They hate Yankees per se, and don't bother their brains
about the past, present or future. As long as they have good

140 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

horses, plenty of forage, and an open country, they are happy.
This is a larger class than most men suppose, and they are the
most dangerous set of men that this war has turned loose upon
the world. They are splendid riders, first-rate shots, and
utterly reckless. Stuart, John Morgan, Forrest, and Jackscn
are the types and leaders of this class. These men must all be
killed or employed by us before we can hope for peace. They
have no property or future, and therefore cannot be influenced
by anything, except personal considerations. I have two
brigades of these fellows in my front, commanded by Cosby,
of the old army, and Whitfield, of Texas. Stephen D. Lee is
in command of the whole.

They are the best cavalry in the world, but it zvill tax Mr.
Chase's genius for finance to supply them with horses.

Colonel Martin had rendered service in General Morgan's
cavalry since December, 1862, of which General Duke says:

Shortly after the Hartsville fight, Col. Adam R. Johnson
reached Murfreesboro with his regiment. It had been raised
in western Kentucky, and was very strong upon the rolls, but
from losses by capture, and other causes, had been reduced to
less than four hundred effective men. It was a fine body of
men, and splendidly officered. Martin, the lieutenant-colonel,
was a man of extraordinary dash and resolution, and very
shrewd in partisan warfare. Owens, the major, was a very
gallant man, and the disciplinarian of the regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonels Huffman and Martin were especially
enterprising during the early part of February, in the favorite
feat of wagon catching, and each attacked with success and
profit large foraging parties of the enemy. * * * j have
heard an incident of one of the dashes of Martin, related and
vouched for by reliable men who witnessed it, which ought to
be preserved. Martin had penetrated with a small force into
the neighborhood of Murfreesboro, and upon his return was
forced to cut his way through a body of the enemy's cavalry.
He charged vigorously, and a melee ensued, in which the com-
batants were mixed all together. In this confused hand-to-
hand fight. Captain Bennett (a dashing young officer, whose
coolness, great strength and quickness had made him very
successful and celebrated in such encounters), was confronted
by an opponent who leveled a pistol at his head, and at the same

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 141

time Bennett saw one of the men of his company just about to
be shot or sabered by another one of the enemy. Bending- low-
in his saddle to avoid the shot aimed at himself, Captain
Bennett first shot the assailant of his follower and then killed
his own foe.

♦ **♦*♦*

General Morgan, in his official report of the fight which
ensued on the next day at Milton, says :

"On the evening of the 19th inst. I reached Liberty, Tennessee,
and learned that the Federals were moving upon that place from
Murfreesboro, their numbers being variously estimated at from
two thousand to four thousand infantry, and two hundred
cavalry, with one section of artillery. At the time I reached my
videttes on the Milton road, the enemy was within five miles of
Liberty. It being near night, they fell back to Auburn, and
encamped. Determining to attack them next morning, I ordered
Colonels Breckinridge and Gano, who were in command of
brigades, to move within four miles of the enemy, and hold
themselves in readiness to move at any moment. * * * In a
short time I arrived upon the ground. * * * j therefore
ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Martin to move to the left with his
regiment, and Colonel Breckinridge to send one to the right — ^to
go forward rapidly and when within striking distance, to move
in and cut off the pieces. Having two pieces of artillery, I
ordered them to go forward on the road, supported by Colonel
Ward's regiment, dismounted, and the remainder of the com-
mand to move in column in supporting distance."
*******

"They went forward gallantly, supported by a part of Ward's
regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Martin, who still occupied his
position on the left, was ordered to threaten the right of the
enemy. At the same time, I ordered the command under
Colonel Gano to move up, dismount and attack the enemy,
vigorously, immediately in front. Colonel Breckinridge was
ordered to move to the right with his command and attack their
extreme left. Captain Quirk, in the mean time, had been
ordered to get upon tlie pike, immediately in the rear of the
enemy, which he did in a most satisfactory manner, capturing
fifteen or twenty men.

"He remained in the rear of the enemy until reinforcements
came to them from Murfreesboro (being only thirteen miles
distant), when he was driven back. When our artillery
opened, the whole command moved forward. Colonel Martin

142 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

charged up in most gallant style, and had a number of his
horses killed with canister, as the guns of the enemy were
turned upon him. The remainder of the command was moved
up to within one hundred yards of the main column of the
Federals and dismounted. Moving rapidly to the front, they
drove in the enemy's skirmishers, and pushed forward in the
most gallant manner upon the hill occupied by the enemy."

The scanty supply of ammunition, however, and its failure
at the critical moment, was the principal cause of the repulse,
or rather withdrawal of our troops. All who have given any
account of this battle concur in praising the conduct of the
combatants. It was fought with the utmost determination, and
with no flinching on either side.

One incident is thus described by an eye-witness : "Just here
Martin performed one of those acts of heroic, but useless
courage, too common among our officers. When his regiment
wavered and commenced to fall back, he halted until he was
left alone; then at a slow walk, rode to the pike, and with his
hat off rode slowly out of fire. He was splendidly mounted,
wore in his hat a long black plume, was himself a large and
striking figure, and I have often thought that it was the hand-
somest picture of cool and desperate courage I saw in the war."

It has been related that Col. Adam R. Johnson, com-
mander of the Second Brigade in General Morgan's division,
made his escape across the Ohio River in West Virginia at
the close of Morgan's Ohio raid.

Colonel Martin having arrived at Chickamauga from his
recent trip to Kentucky found Colonel Johnson absent on
leave. While yet unable to report for regular duty he vol-
unteered to serve through the battle, and commanded the
little remnant of Morgan's division which had been collected
by. Johnson.

General Duke says:

An officer who was a valuable assistant to Colonel Johnson
in collecting Morgan's men previous to the battle of Chicka-
mauga, says: "From Calhoun we were ordered to Lafayette,
from Lafayette to Dalton, thence to Tunnel Hill. On the
morning of the i8th of September, the whole army marched

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 143

out for the battle. Our small force was ordered to report to
General Forrest, and did so about ten a. m. on the field. We
were immediately deployed as skirmishers, mounted, in front of
Hood's division, of Longstreet's corps, just come from Vir-
ginia. As the men galloped by Forrest, he called to them in
language which inspired them with still higher enthusiasm. He
urged them to do their whole duty in the battle. He spoke of
their chief, who had been insulted with a felon's treatment, and
was then lying in the cell of a penitentiary. He gave them
'Morgan' for a battle-cry, and bade them maintain their old
reputation.

"The enemy first engaged fell back upon a supporting regi-
ment. We soon drove them back upon a third. By this time
our small 'layout' found the fighting rather interesting.
Engaging three times our number, and attacking every position
the enemy chose, was very glorious excitement, but rather more
of it than our mouths watered for. Yet no man faltered — all
rushed on as reckless of the opposing array of danger as of
their own alignment. * * *

"The enemy had formed in the edge of a woods, in front of
which was an open field. This field was fought over again
and again, each side charging alternately, and forced back. At
last a charge upon our part, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Martin,
was successful. The enemy fell back still farther. We now
saw clearly from many indications, and were told by prisoners,
that the Federal line of battle, the main force, was not far off.
We, therefore, moved more cautiously. Just about sundown,
we found the enemy's cavalry drawn up directly in front of
the infantry, but they made little resistance. After one or two
volleys, they fell back behind the protecting 'web-feet.' Night
falling stopped all further operations for that day. We camped
in line of battle, and picketed in front.

"The fighting of the next day was very similar to that of the
previous ones — the enemy falling back slowly with his face
toward us. But late in the evening the retreat became a rout.
The army made no attack on the 21st. In the afternoon
Colonel Scott was sent with his brigade over Missionary Ridge
into the valley, and engaged a few scattered cavalry and an
Illinois regiment of infantry — capturing nearly all of the latter
before they could reach the works around Chattanooga. Form-
ing his brigade. Colonel Scott sent a portion of our command,
on foot, to reconnoiter the enemy's position. The reconnoiter-
ing party drove in the pickets, took the outside rifle pits, and
forced the enemy to their breastworks and forts.

144 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

"This closed the battle of Chickamauga — Morgan's men
firing the first and last shot in that terrible struggle."

Colonel Martin related to me the trouble that was caused
by the attempt of General Bragg to appropriate the horses
of the orphan soldiers of the Confederacy, from far-away
Kentucky, .and how General Forrest stood by Captains
Dortch and Kirkpatrick, and their men. When the order
came for the surrender of their horses, Forrest swore he
would surround Morgan's men with his division and pro-
tect them. The horses were not taken, but in consequence
Forrest lost his own command.

Wyeth's "Life of Forrest" says :

It was while in pursuit of the retreating enemy, on September
30th, that Forrest received from General Bragg the following
order :

"Missionary Ridge, September 28, 1863.
"Brigadier-General Forrest, near Athens.

"General: The general commanding desires that you will
without delay turn over the troops of your command, previously
ordered, to Major-General Wheeler."

Upon the receipt of this message he flew into a violent rage,
at the height of which he dictated a letter to Major Anderson,
who says: "The general dictated a letter which I wrote to
Bragg, resenting the manner in which he had been treated, and
charging the commander of the army in plain, straight language
with duplicity and lying, and informing him that he would call
at his headquarters in a few days to say to him in person just
what he had written. He concluded by saying he desired to
shirk no responsibility incurred by the contents of his letter.
When Forrest read the letter over and signed it, it was sealed
and handed to the courier, and, as he rode away, the general
remarked to me, 'Bragg never got such a letter as that before
from a brigadier.' "

Before President Davis assigned Forrest to another field
of duty General Bragg had been succeeded by Johnston,

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 145

Wyeth says:

Gen. Joseph E. Johnston wrote : "He will, on arriving there,
proceed to raise and organize as many troops for the Confed-
erate service as he finds practicable."

*******

From Rome, and thence westward, along the route over
which, a few months before, he had pursued and captured
Streight's raiders, Forrest marched with his handful of men —
a brigadier-general with an army of two hundred and seventy-
one men, as follows:

Field and staff 8

Escort company 65

McDonald's battahon 139

Capt. J. W. Morton's battery 67

Total effectives 271

CHAPTER XVI

Martin's expedition to Kentucky — Exciting adventures —
Skirmish with an old friend — Surprised and routed near
Greenville — Loss of horses and equipments — Rendezvous in
Henry County, Tennessee — Expedition on foot to Golden
Pond — Recapture of horses, and home-guards paroled.

Upon my arrival with Captain Christy, in Bragg's army,
we were installed by Colonel Martin as members of his mess,
the others being Cyrus W. Crabtree, Lieut. Arthur Andrews,
Lieut. Oscar L. Barbour, Lieut. Meade Woodson of Inde-
pendence, Missouri, and a young man named Bryson from
Macon, Mississippi. Captain Helm of Texas, with sixteen
men, composed a company of scouts for Col. Adam R. John-
son, brigade commander. Andrews, Barbour, and Woodson
belonged to Johnson's staff.

This remnant was all that now remained here of Morgan's
men. The battalions of Captains Kirkpatrick and Dortch
had been sent away, one with Wheeler and the other with
Forrest. Wheeler had gone on a raid into Middle Ten-
nessee, where he terrorized the garrisons that he did not
defeat and capture. Forrest was operating in the direction
of Kingston, on the way to Knoxville.

Colonel Martin discussed the situation with us all and
said he was perhaps as well now as he would ever be, the
Minie ball having lodged in his lung. It could not be ex-
tracted. But Martin did not know what to do. His regi-
ment was in prison with the most of Morgan's division and
no prospect of their exchange, as the Federal Government
did not want to give up the Southern prisoners in return
for their own. They preferred to keep our ranks depleted

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 147

in that way and fill their own by draft and bounties, leaving
their men in our prisons to suffer like our soldiers for the
necessaries of life.

Martin determined that he had better try to recruit a
command in the mean time, as he and Johnson had done
the year before. He now proposed to take us and Captain
Helm's men and go to western Kentucky.

There was no baggage or other luggage to pack, and
with the men I have named, twenty-five in all, Colonel Mar-
tin rode away about daylight, passing over Lookout Moun-
tain and then down the valley toward Gadsden, Alabama.

We crossed Tennessee safely, and arriving within five
miles of Lafayette, Kentucky, learned there was a garrison
of about thirty encamped in a stockade. Colonel Martin
at once decided to attack and endeavor to capture this gar-
rison if we could get to them before they could reach the
stockade. The hour fixed was eight o'clock next morning,
when it was calculated the men would be more or less
scattered about the village, as was their custom, and that
very few could beat us to the stockade, where their arms
were always kept.

We started at 6.30 and were guided by pathways through
timber between farms, and reached the designated point
within one hundred yards of the stockade undiscovered.
We were formed in column of fours. Martin selected Crab-
tree, Christy, Barbour, and myself to form the first set and
go in front, with Martin commanding on our left. The
stockade was on the right and about forty feet from the
fence along the pike. We quickly observed that the garri-
son was nearly all outside, but there were several squads
around fires not more than ten steps from the stockade.
Martin did not hesitate a moment, and ordered us to go at
full speed and commence firing and yelling. It was a dash.
The Federals looked at us a moment as if astonished, and
then darted toward the stockade. We got nearly even with
it before they got in and began to fire from the port-holes.

148 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Martin had directed that if we reached the position oppo-
site the stockade before many got into it we were to dismount
and run in around it so as to cut the others off who would
be unarmed. The first shot struck Crabtree's horse, which
groaned considerably. Martin ordered us to go on, and
the whole command dashed by under fire. We escaped
without a man being hurt, and stopped a hundred yards dis-
tant, in the business portion of the town, among the pop-
ulation, which had congregated there en masse. Horace
W. Kelley, the leading merchant, was reported to Colonel
Martin as the chief informer and persecutor of the South-
ern sympathizers in that vicinity. Martin directed Captain
Helm to take a detail and go to Kelley's store and get some
boots for his men, who were nearly barefooted, also socks,
underwear, and hats. Mr. Kelley had locked up his store,
but opened it and waited on his enemies just as cheerfully
as if they had been cash customers. He seemed pleased to
get off so easy.

We passed through Roaring Springs and reached the
neighborhood of Canton, on Cumberland River, before
night, and stopped to feed our horses and rest. We heard
a steamboat whistling below and were enabled to determine
that it was coming up stream.

Colonel Martin decided to go into Canton, where there
was no garrison, and fire into it from the nearest safe place
when it landed, provided it was loaded with troops, other-
wise we would go aboard and perhaps capture some officers
and burn the boat.

We were four miles from town and it was just night
when the steamer came in sight. Meanwhile, we had halted
within half a mile of the landing. We moved around to
the river bank just above. The lights on the boat and on
shore gave us a good view of the cabin deck, and no soldiers
appeared and but few persons of any class. We dis-
mounted, and with twenty men Colonel Martin went down
the bank in the darkness. When the boat was securely tied
up two men were sent to guard the deck-hand at the stab

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 149

and see that the boat was not cut loose. Colonel Martin
led the way and followed the boat's agent and others on the
gang-plank. One man went to the capstan to guard the
rope and see that it should not be cut. We followed Martin
up the stairway to the cabin and took possession. Several
soldiers were taken and paroled. A few government stores
were destroyed and thrown overboard. Colonel Martin told
me the captain pleaded for his boat not to be burned. But
as a matter of fact the captain was not a Union man. We
knew the government was pressing boats into the service no
matter who might be the owners. The barkeeper treated
the crowd to toddies and cigars and the steward brought
out some lunch.

It was reported to Colonel Martin that a Union man,
named Ford, who was a regular informer on Southern men,
had a very fine chestnut-sorrel mare. Captain Helm went
with a squad and got her, leaving Martin's animal instead.

We rode quietly into Cadiz, after a ride of nine miles,
at ten o'clock. There was a stampede of the prominent
Union men and several soldiers who were at home on fur-
lough when they heard that "Bob Martin" was in town.
Colonel Martin sent a detail to get the postage stamps and
stamped envelopes at the post-office.

The weather had grown extremely cold, but we pushed
on to the house of my friend Allen Baker, in Caldwell
County. Colonel Martin intended now to capture the gar-
rison at Madisonville and hold Hopkins County long enough
to get some recruits. After going a few miles the Colonel
decided to go off the road half a mile to some hollow in the
woods and build fires. We soon had regular log-heaps
blazing. The ears of one or two of our party were frost-
bitten.

"Cy" Crabtree had a brother-in-law, William B. Parker,
who lived three miles from the road on our way, and six
miles from Madisonville. Colonel Martin sent Crabtree
ahead to arrange for breakfast there and get a friend to go
early to town and find out all about the garrison.

150 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

We went through the country to Parker's by sunrise and
were entertained handsomely by Mrs. Parker, the sister of
Crabtree. It was then deemed best to camp in a secluded part
of adjacent hilly, timbered country and await the return of
the messenger Crabtree had sent to Madisonville. He did
not return until night, as per instructions, in the event the
garrison was kept in camp. He learned that Martin's cap-
ture of the steamboat at Canton was known and that the men
were on the lookout for a surprise at any time. The gar-
rison numbered about eighty cavalrymen and kept their
horses in an old livery stable, one square from the court-
house.

It was now deemed best to draw the enemy out in pur-
suit, and for that purpose we left our camp before night,
and went to the highway six miles from Madisonville, and
eight miles from Vanderburg on the Henderson road. We
turned off beyond the Shake-rag Hills before reaching Van-
derburg and camped in an impregnable position on a bluff
not far from the farm of a friend, Robert Washington. We
remained there all the next day, hoping the company from
Madisonville would follow our trail. We had arranged to
have our presence at Parker's reported.

In this camp we were joined by two recruits, one of them
a young man named Ashley, who had neither horse nor gun.
He rode behind the other recruit, as he had a plan for a
mount and arms. He guided Martin a few miles through the
hills to the house of his cousin, who had turned to be a
strong Union man and guide for the Federals. I knew
nothing about the arrangement until we left his cousin's
house. When we reached it, his cousin, Andrew Ashley,
came out in the dark. Colonel Martin, as I was told, repre-
sented himself as a captain from Greenville, in pursuit of
Bob Martin ; that he had heard in Madisonville that Martin
was camped at Vanderburg and the purpose in coming
here was to get him (Ashley) to go along as a guide. Ashley
promptly volunteered and said he would take his double-
barreled shotgun. He caught his horse and was ready in a

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 151

few minutes. Meanwhile, Martin had sent Captain Helm
and two men with young Ashley, who took them to another
place, Jack Burton's, near by, to get his fine animal, and
they succeeded.

We started off without delay, Andrew Ashley riding with
Colonel Martin. After going a short distance Martin unde-
ceived Ashley and put him in ranks as a prisoner, turning
over his gun and ammunition to young Ashley. We then
headed for Madisonville to make a midnight attack and
create a sensational fright. Several offensive Union men
were arrested on the way, the purpose of Colonel Martin
being to demoralize some of them. They were treated with
perfect kindness, but they were in mental agony as to their
fate, as Colonel Sam Johnson had shot several Confederate
prisoners at Hopkinsville, in retaliation for the killing of
his own men. Before we had gone very far, Andrew Ashley
learned that I was in the command and urged Martin to
let him meet me. He was brought back and I was sur-
prised. I knew him well, and he was a Southern sympa-
thizer when I left home. He asked me to have him released.
When I learned the circumstances I told him Martin wanted
to take him farther on, but I assured him he should not be
hurt. He had been one of my customers in the store at
Nebo and was a good citizen.

We arrived in the suburbs of Madisonville about mid-
night, near the dwelling-house of Nathan Hibbs, between
the Ashbyburg and Henderson roads. We had learned that
two pickets were out on all the roads. Those on the Hen-
derson road stood at an elbow of the lane opposite the resi-
dence of Mrs. Bishop. Christy and Crabtree were sent to
charge them as soon as Martin's command opened fire on
the camp in town. We moved from the Hibbs place down
across the common which extended nearly to the public
square. Just as we had reached a point nearly opposite the
old Eagle Hotel, on a corner of the public square, and were
ready to dismount and creep around the camp to open fire,
we heard two shots on the Henderson road. This was un-

152 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

expected. In a moment we heard horses running and sud-
denly a great commotion in the camp, one square away. The
pickets came at full speed and ran to the camp. We listened
to the uproar for a few minutes, when Martin concluded
it would be better not to attack now. We retraced our tracks
to the Hibbs house, where we had left our prisoners under
guard. Christy and Crabtree were there. It was under-
stood that if their plans or ours miscarried, all should rally
there. The pickets had heard the horses of Christy and
Crabtree, a hundred yards away, and fired and then ran,
because they were expecting Martin. We traveled a cir-
cuitous route with Captain Christy and Crabtree as guides
and reached the house of Hugh McNary by sunrise, on the
other side of Pond River, at the point where the Madison-
ville and Greenville road crosses the ford. We were in posi-
tion to guard the ford against pursuit and were royally
entertained here by the truest of friends. The young ladies,
the Misses McNary, treated us to the first piano music we
had heard in many a day.

It was a comfort to look back, as we rode away toward
Greenville, and cheer the waving white handkerchiefs of
this enthusiastic household. Our prisoners were released
here and started home, feeling safer but mad. Greenville is
the county-seat of Muhlenburg County and Colonel Martin's
father lived three miles from the town. His father was a
strong Union man and two brothers were captains in the
Federal army.

The weather was unusually cold for the time of the year,
December, which retarded our speed and subjected us to
unusual hardships in our night rides and in our efforts to
rest and sleep in the open air.

We stopped six miles from Greenville, off the road, where
Colonel Martin knew a friend, and slept until night, two citi-
zens volunteering to stand on guard where they had a long
view of our track and could give us warning of a pursuing
enemy without taking any risk. At sunset we started for
Greenville, where there was no garrison, and charged into

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 153

the town, about eight o'clock, yelling like Indians. There
was a general stampede and great excitement among the
population. This was a hotbed of Unionism and the offen-
sive Union men dreaded Martin. Others greeted us cor-
dially. A detail went to the post-office and got the postage
stamps and envelopes. We now had over $20 worth of U.
S. spoils. After Colonel Martin had spent an hour with
his friends we rode out toward Hartford, soon turned, made
a circuit around Greenville toward Hopkinsville, and camped
with good fires until sunrise the next morning. After break-
fast we went toward the Greenville and Madisonville road
to learn if we had been pursued. It was the purpose now to
go back to Madisonville if any of its garrison had followed
us to Greenville. We entered a long lane through a farm
and Colonel Martin inquired at the house, about midway.
He heard of three different companies that were in pursuit,
but got no information as to where they belonged. Just be-
fore we reached the end of the lane it was observed that dense
woods were in front and extended around to the right
over a hilly region. It was determined to pass on out of
sight of the farm-house, scatter on the left of the road for a
hundred yards in the woods and get across to the other side
of the road, making a dim impression on the frozen ground
and to some extent obscure our trail.

The fence on the left extended about fifty yards farther
than on the right side of the lane we were in. Crabtree,
wearing a Federal overcoat, was the advance guard, and at
the end of the lane he observed a company of Federals about
200 yards to the left, across a little old unfenced field. There
was a small ravine that ran through it about midway between
our ridge and the one where the Federals had halted. Crab-
tree stopped and motioned back to us. Martin halted the
column and galloped up to Crabtree, then called out to the
Federals and asked who was in command. "Capt. Jeff
Rouark," was the response. "Where from ?" inquired Mar-
tin. "Hopkinsville,'' was the answer, and followed with
the inquiry, "Who are you?" "Captain Wilkes from Hen-

1 54 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

derson," answered Martin. "Send a man down half way,"
said Martin. "All right," said Rouark. Martin directed
Crabtree to go and get all that Rouark knew about us. Crab-
tree and Rouark met down in the little ravine, while both
sides sat quietly and looked on. Colonel Martin called out
to "Cy" and asked, "Is it all right?" "Yes," responded Crab-
tree; "he wants to see you, Captain." Martin trotted his
horse down to meet his old friend. They had been boys
together in the same neighborhood. Captain Rouark was
astonished when he recognized Col. Bob Martin. I heard
Martin laughing as he said, "Well, Jeff, we ought to shake
hands over a joke like this." "I think so too. Bob," said
Rouark, and they greeted each other cordially. They then
talked for a few minutes, and separated, each galloping back
to his command. I had counted the enemy and made the
number forty-two besides the captain.

Martin announced that he was going to fight. He ordered
us to dismount in the woods on the right and hitch our horses
quick. The ground sloped downward on that side. We
then ran back to the fence on the enemy's side of the road
and opened fire while Rouark was forming on horseback.
Some of our men were behind trees farther to our right than
the fence extended. Our long-range guns only were fired, it
being deemed advisable to reserve our double-barreled shot-
guns for closer quarters if Rouark should charge on horse-
back. Most of Captain Helm's men were Texans and fine
shots. I noticed some commotion in the enemy's ranks and
was satisfied that men or horses were being struck. We
were so well concealed, lying down behind fence corners
and trees, that none of our men were touched and the bul-
lets passed over our horses. Presently Rouark dismounted
his men, and coming closer they got behind trees. Colonel
Martin concluded we were wasting ammunition. He told us
to be ready when he gave the word and that he wanted us
to get up and run to our horses, mount quick and follow
him; that he intended to form in ambush. He told me to
mount and remain, to see if they pursued, and then fall

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 155

back, keeping in sight of them. At the command all arose
and ran as if stampeded, mounted and galloped away in good
order and out of sight. I sat on my horse and watched.
Rouark's men ceased firing and mounted their horses.
There was a parley of several minutes and then they marched
away in the opposite direction. I reported to Colonel Mar-
tin at once and it was now thought best to travel till our trail
would be lost for a night. Martin knew the country and
made a circuit around Greenville, keeping five miles from it,
to the side toward Russellville, and stopped seven miles from
town about ten o'clock in the night. We entered a thick
woods, and going perhaps 400 -yards made a gap in a rail
fence around a cornfield. The gap was fixed up behind us.
We then went along the fence inside for two hundred yards
and then out through a gap into the woods again, camping
about a hundred yards from the field. The movement inside
the field was made to protect us from surprise, as our guard
was placed at the last gap and could see the enemy come
through the first gap. It was our purpose to go toward
Russellville the next morning, making a circuit toward
Madisonville.

I was the first man to awake the next morning. Our
lonely .picket down at the fence had his horse hitched and
was stamping about to warm his feet. I was eating some
lunch when I saw the picket mount his' horse hurriedly and
start to camp. Martin did not need to order the horses
saddled. The picket rushed up and reported the enemy com-
ing through at the place where we had entered the field.
Colonel Martin directed me, as I was ready, to ride down
within fifty yards of the gap, where we came out, and as the
enemy came up to fire and fall back. I had hardly reached
the spot when I got a glimpse through the brush of the
approaching column, quietly riding along on our trail. T
was sitting on my horse fairly well covered by a large white-
oak tree. When the column arrived at the place where we
had come out it halted and I fired, or thought I was firing,
with deliberate aim, but the cap failed to go off. I then

156 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

galloped back to camp. My animal was a handsome chest-
nut-sorrel pony, but I knew nothing yet of his speed. I
judged the enemy to number about fifty men.

Martin had the men nearly ready and was forming a line
to fight, but on my report he decided to charge before the
enemy could get through the fence, which they had begun to
throw down, and then withdraw. We went with a yell, but
they received us with a volley. Martin then ordered us to
fall back and keep together. As we passed over the ridge
beyond our camp the enemy was peppering away at those in
the rear. Martin on his fine mare could have run away in the
lead, but hung back and encouraged the boys to keep cool and
close up. I observed a branch in a small ravine ahead of us
and that the bank on the opposite side was steep and the
men in front were making their horses climb to get up. 1
also observed that men from the rear were passing me and
the shooting was coming nearer every step. It was only a
question of a few jumps until I would be the hindmost man.
My horse was too weak. I looked back and the Federals
were only about seventy-five yards behind and not many of
our men were now behind me. The ridge on which we had
camped wound around on my left and broke down not far
from the branch that crossed our path in front. I turned
my horse around this little hill to the left, lying down on my
horse's neck to hide if possible from the view of our pur-
suers. I ran upon a small field. The branch our men were
crossing ran out of it and where it passed under the fence
a considerable drift had accumulated inside. I jumped
down, and turning my horse's head toward our crowd, got
over the fence quick and hid in the drift pile. Not more than
half a minute had passed since I left the path. I peeped out
and saw our men scrambling up the bank of the branch,
about fifty yards away, and observed Colonel Martin was off
his mare as she clambered up the hill, but he had her by the
tail and was holding fast with both hands. Somebody
grabbed her by the bridle-bit. At this moment the shout-
ing pursuers were up even with me, and their firing and up-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 157

roar frightened my loose horse back my way and he went
trotting around the hill along the fence. They got a glimpse
of him, and two men came rushing around after him and
passed within ten feet of me. This frightened him and he
stampeded into the woods with the two men in pursuit.

Everybody was now out of sight, but I could hear the
yelling and shouting the same as before. I moved my posi-
tion a little, as I was on the ice, and crept as far under as
possible without leaving any fresh signs behind. I remained
in this position until I began to freeze. I could still hear
the firing and yelling a mile or two away, which had never
ceased at any point since the retreat commenced.

I got out and crossed another field to the woods and went
some distance until I came in sight of a log cabin. This was
out of view from the battle-ground. I went to the house and
warmed. I told the housewife I had been fox hunting and
came for a chunk of fire as my companion, who was at the
fox hole, thought we ought to have a fire. She asked me
what all that shooting meant. I was of course in another
direction and had not heard it. I got the fire and found a
secluded hiding-place, where I kept comfortable till night.

I wandered around after sunset, and coming near a farm
I waited until after dark and went to the house. I had lost
everything except my gun and pistol. I found the farmer
to be a friend of the Confederates and regret that I have for-
gotten his name. When he heard my story he said he had
one poor horse that he did not need and I was welcome to
him. I was supplied with an old saddle and bridle and given
directions around Greenville to the Madisonville road. I
reached the point before morning, got breakfast, and traveled
neighborhood roads to the house of a friend, five miles from
McNary's ford on Pond River. That night I called at
McNary's and learned that Lieutenant Andrews had been
there two hours before, having escaped in the chase. They
had directed him to James L. Brown's, who was a wealthy
farmer living seven miles to the right of Madisonville. I
went there and found Andrews. We safely passed Madi-

158 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

sonville and through Nebo to my father's house. We were
obliged to go on, as it was agreed that all would rendezvous
in Jordan Stokes's hollow, in Caldwell County, one mile from
White's bridge on Tradewater. We reached there before
morning, traveling my private route by Fisher's Spring,
Rush's and Fox's. After waiting a week we scouted to
Grubb's cross-roads and to Wolfs store, where we learned
that Martin's party had gone through a week before. We
now pushed through, traveling at night, crossing the Cum-
berland River at Murray's, and then up Yellow Creek and
over to Piney Creek. We saw friends who had been in all
directions, but none had heard of Martin's party. We con-
cluded he must have fallen back across the rivers into the
Kentucky Purchase or into West Tennessee, which were not
occupied by garrisons now, and we headed in that direction.

Lieutenant Andrews remembered that he had a friend in
Paris, Mr. Caldwell, formerly of Bowling Green, Kentucky^
who had married a lady of Paris and had settled there in
business. He entertained us at his elegant home on Christ-
mas day. In the afternoon we heard that we might find our
party in the neighborhood of Mr. Edwards's, five miles from
Paris, on the road to "Mouth of Sandy." To our delight we
learned upon reaching the home of Mr. Edwards that Colonel
Martin, Christy, Barbour, and others had been there. The
others had stopped with a Mr. Kendall and his neighbors
farther on. We soon learned that the command had arrived
in the neighborhood after losing their horses and baggage.
They were now gone on foot into the enemy's country to
mount and equip themselves.

Andrews and I found a home with a Mr. Kendall, who was
a good farmer and a gentleman.

A few days afterwards Colonel Martin and his men
returned from the expedition and were quartered in the
neighborhood for two weeks. The events which had
occurred in the command since the attack on our camp near
Greenville, Kentucky, were narrated to me by Martin,
Christy, Barbour and others.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 159

"After you turned off the track/' they said, "our worst
trouble was at the embankment of the branch where you
saw Colonel Martin on the ground. His mare shied under
the limbs of a tree that swept him off behind, when he
grabbed her tail and clung to it till we caught her, and he
remounted under fire. But the pursuers could take no aim
running at full speed through bushy woods and their shots
did not hit anybody. We gained distance on them while
they were having our experience at the embankment, and
we would have been out of their reach very soon but for
the presence of another company of Federals in front that
was trying to find our camp. We got within fifty yards of
them before they were discovered. When we turned at
right angles they took the lead in the pursuit. They were in
firing distance for a mile perhaps, and in this chase Andrews
left us.

"We made our way to the mouth of Little River, on the
Cumberland, between Canton and Eddyville, and the com-
mand crossed over to the narrow section between the Cum-
berland and Tennessee rivers. We reached the neighbor-
hood of Golden Pond, where we concluded to rest, as there
was no garrison of Federals nearer than Paducah, Hopkins-
ville, and Princeton. It was an out of the way locality where
scouting parties seldom had any occasion to go.

"We went into camp in the afternoon," they said, "and
made our beds as comfortable as possible, retiring early to
get a much needed rest for one entire night.

"The moon was shining every night, going down about
midnight. About that time our camp was fired into by a
force of home-guards. We all made a dash away from the
firelights and kept together in the woods. We opened fire
on the enemy and scattered them on the side where
we escaped. "Cy" Crabtree was shot in the hip and captured.
The rest of us made our way through the country to the
Tennessee River and crossed over. After resting here a
week or more Colonel Martin decided to march back
and surprise that same neighborhood. We crossed the

160 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

river about sundown and arrived near Fungo or Golden
Pond after a couple of hours. It w^as easy to capture one
man at a time and recover our horses or get better ones.
We captured Captain Bogard, w^ho commanded the attack on
our camp. He had returned Martin's fine animal to its
owner, Mr. Ford, at Canton, only five miles distant, but
Martin managed to find a good one.' Martin had paroled
that entire company of home-guards."

The news of the escape of Gen. John H. Morgan, from
the Columbus, Ohio, Penitentiary, and his safe arrival in
the Confederacy, had reached us. He had established an
encampment ^t Decatur, Georgia, v^here it v^as proposed
that the scattered remnants of his old division should ren-
dezvous for organization and service in a new command to
be made up for General Morgan while most of his own was
still in Northern prisons.

It was decided that Andrews, Barbour, and Captain Helm,
with his men, should proceed up the Tennessee River on the
west side, pass between Shiloh battlefield and Corinth, and
then across Alabama to Decatur, while Martin, Christy, and
I would go around Nashville and then south with the view
of giving General Morgan the situation in Middle Tennessee,
which might induce him to make a raid with his force and
attack the communications of Sherman.

CHAPTER XVII

Journey to Kentucky, then around Nashville and into Alabama
— Narrow escapes — Luxurious homes of an Alabama valley —
Johnston succeeds Bragg.

In leaving Henry County, Tennessee, on the journey to
Georgia, Colonel Martin, Captain Christy, and I crossed the
Tennessee River at Paris Landing. We then traveled to
Murray's on the Cumberland River. The horse and outfit
my friend had furnished me near Greenville v^as about as
shabby as any I ever saw in the army. The animal was
small, slow and in poor order. My companions proposed
that our first adventure should be to improve my mount.

That night we stopped with my friend Squire Fletcher,
one mile from the river, and left his house with directions to
the home of his nephew, Jasper Fletcher, in Christian County,
Kentucky, between Hopkinsville and Clarksville. We
learned that a company of negro soldiers were encamped
at the State line of Kentucky on the pike we must travel, on
the direct route, and were directed to the house of Dr.
Thomas, which we would reach within half a mile of the
camp, and he could direct us through his farm to "Jap"
Fletcher's. We went on four miles and entered the front
gate of the yard of Dr. Thomas. The house stood back
about fifty yards, and we were to go on through his farm.
The Doctor was delighted to meet us. We sat on our horses
in front of the portico and he sat on the steps. His wife
and two other ladies came out to greet us and were enthusi-
astic over our presence. The Doctor gave us particular
directions of our route, the way being often through gates
into and out of wooded pastures and along neighborhood

162 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

roads. He said we could not afford to tarry there, as the
negro soldiers frequently came over to his negro cabins at
night. About this moment we heard a treading sound to-
ward the front gate, and looking that way saw a dark mass
moving toward us. It was a body of the negro soldiers.

When we discovered the soldiers so close upon us, Martin
and Christy darted off to the left. My weak animal was so
slow to move that it looked to me as though the soldiers
would get there before I could pass around and follow with-
out being shot. It was a cloudy night and quite dark. I
concluded instantly to go to the right and try to reach the
gate by going around the rear of the house.

The cry of halt and shooting commenced as soon as Mar-
tin and Christy started. I rushed my horse off to the rear
of the house, but a light in the kitchen blinded me to objects
when looking in the dark, and I presume it had the same
effect on the horse, for, to my surprise, he ran with all his
force against the back yard fence, and I thought he would
fall down. I heard them crying halt behind me. I jumped
off and left the horse, but took my saddle-bags along. I got
over the fence quickly, but at this moment I heard the darkies
in the negro cabins at their doors and knew the instant they
were opened the light would shine on me and expose me to
a volley. I put my saddle-bags by the fence and then on all
fours I crept along the fence. I did not hear any of the
enemy getting over the fence but could hear them out about
the stable and at the front of the dwelling. Within
an hour everything was perfectly quiet. I got out and ven-
tured to the door on the side of the house next to the stable
lot. A servant opened it, when I asked for Dr. Thomas.
He came in very bad humor. I asked him if I could employ
any one there or near by to take me to Fletcher's. He said
he could not assist me in the matter and I ought to get away.
He told me that he had been arrested, taken over to the
negro camp and put under bond to appear at headquarters
in Clarksville the next day. He began to close the door and
I had to leave without telling him good-by.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 163

I walked to Jasper Fletcher's with my baggage over my
shoulder, a distance of ten miles, by a little after midnight.
He told me that Martin and Christy were encamped at the
back of the farm, refusing to stay at his house, on account
of the darkies. I thought I would be safer elsewhere and
walked a mile to Mrs. Clardy's, who entertained me cheer-
fully. She was delighted when she found I was the friend
of her two sons, Mont and Henry Clardy, in the First Ken-
tucky Cavalry. I joined Martin and Christy early next
morning and we decided to spend the day in their hiding-
place.

Fletcher told us of a prominent Union man who was an
informer and had guided the Federal cavalry around to
places where they took horses, corn, and other supplies from
Southern sympathizers, and pressed wagons to haul away
all they wanted. He said if we wanted horses that man had
two fine ones. We did not want a better arrangement, and
just after dark we started after them. Fletcher and I walked
in front and he went a near route between farms through
the open woods. The stars afforded very good light.
Christy rode up and sat on his horse at the front gate. Mar-
tin and I went into the stable lot and found the horses run-
ning loose. They were hard to catch and of course made
considerable noise. The barking dogs brought the old gen-
tleman to the door, but Christy told him to go back, the
rebels were getting his horses and might take him.

Fletcher had described two large chestnut-sorrels. Martin
having lost his fine mare at Golden Pond didn't like the one
he had gotten from Captain Bogard, and so we took both.
We found the place where the saddles were kept and I was
now well mounted.

We then traveled without incident a little north of the
Tennessee line, and stopped at a farm-house three miles from
Mitchellsville, on the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. We
learned that a garrison of one company of infantry occupied
a stockade at this place, with picket posts half a mile from
their camp on all the public roads. Having received minute

164 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

directions that would enable us to make a circuit of the town
and come into our road on the other side, we started on
after supper. We were often guided in our course by the
stars. It must have been near midnight when we reached the
Mitchellsville and Gallatin road. We discovered the fire
of the picket post and went into the road some two hundred
yards farther out. The road ran through unfenced woods
here. After we had gone about fifty yards along the road
we noticed a horse standing on the right by a small tree, and
as we rode up also observed a soldier sitting against a large
tree with his gun standing beside him. He was fast asleep.
Martin halted and handed me his bridle-rein. He went
quietly to the horse, and getting the halter came and re-
mounted. The horse did not appear to realize that he was
loose and the soldier did not awake. We rode on without
any disposition to hurt the poor fellow. A few miles from
here we changed our course so as to leave Gallatin seven or
eight miles to our right in turning to the south. We camped
soon afterward, but were up at sunrise next morning to seek
a secluded place, as we found we were now within twelve
miles of Gallatin, where Gen. E. A. Paine commanded, and
was having prisoners and citizens shot at his pleasure.

Mr. Lyon lived on the south side of Cumberland River,
where we were entertained. He got us to order everything,
as though we were pressing our way, in the presence of a
negro man, and then sent him to Nashville to report us.
After resting a while we traveled the public road to Lebanon,
where there was no garrison. We passed through the town
after midnight and undertook to make our way through the
country, when we got lost in the cedars five miles out.

We traveled through the country toward McMinnville,
passing localities where Colonel Martin had fought with
Morgan the summer before. Martin met some old acquaint-
ances among the citizens, and several straggling Confed-
erates, from whom we learned a good deal about the garri-
son and general situation at Nashville, without hinting the
idea of a raid by General Morgan. We now felt that Morgan

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 165

with 1,500 men and two pieces of artillery could surprise
Nashville, sweep into western Kentucky, where he could
stay two weeks anyhow to recruit, and escape across the
Cumberland and Tennessee rivers to a place of safety in West
Tennessee. There would not be a telegraph line on his route
and he could only be pursued by his trail. We could guide
him on the entire trip.

The next night we stopped within five miles of Man-
chester, where there was no garrison and none nearer than
Tullahoma. The next morning we rode into town, and to
our surprise came upon a company of Federal cavalry,
formed in line, on one side of the public square. Although
they saw us wheel and run we were at least 200 yards ahead
when they came in sight. We aimed to circle around the
right side of the town through a common, but we discovered
a small river and followed the big road out parallel with it
for a quarter of a mile. Then we came to the woods and
left the road on the left side, but the river wound back to-
ward the road. Here there was a large frame dwelling on
the road and a farm lying in the rear. We saw a bridge,
just beyond the house, which the road crossed. To reach it
we must pass near the house, and when within seventy-five
yards of it we observed several of the cavalry, mounted, in
the yard and others, on foot, in the stable lot. There was
nothing for us to do but charge and pass or surrender, and
without delay we rushed up at full speed as though they were
not there. They looked at us a moment in surprise and ran
back toward the stable lot. We were across the bridge before
they were ready to shoot or could decide what to do. The
crowd behind us in pursuit was coming at full speed, but we
had gained on them since we left the edge of the town. A
short distance beyond the river we turned into the woods on
the left, where there was no road, and passing around a little
field reached the summit of a considerable hill that was
thickly timbered, and then waited a while to see if we would
be followed. We crossed the Nashville and Chattanooga
Railroad at a point between Wartrace and Tullahoma, then

166 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

crossed Elk River below Fayetteville, and passed across the
Tennessee Valley to the same crossing on the river where
we were ferried over in going to Kentucky.

We now set out over the mountains and in a few days
reached Asheville, a small county-seat among the fragmen-
tary mountains. The next day we were at Blue Mountain, a
station at the terminus of the railroad from Selma. We
went on fifteen miles to Talladega, which was a substantial
town in a locality of great wealth among the planters in the
surrounding valley of the Coosa River.

It was now our purpose to travel toward Decatur, Georgia,
but if a convenient arrangement could be made it was deemed
better to leave our horses and go by rail, as we believed Gen-
eral Morgan would act on our information and come by
this route on a raid into Middle Tennessee and Kentucky.
Meanwhile, our horses would rest.

There were no marks of war in this section, and every-
thing indicated a prosperous population of planters. We
were passing elegant homes all along the road from Talla-
dega. Near sunset we came upon a broad plantation that
stretched far on either side of the road. The planter's home
was on the right. This was the home of Walker Reynolds.
We enjoyed every attention and comfort here and the family
seemed to appreciate the acquaintance of volunteers from
Kentucky. We made known to Mrs. Reynolds our plans,
and on account of the absence of her husband at Selma she
referred us to her brother, Dr. William Welch, near Alpine,
the station on the railroad for this neighborhood, who she
was sure would take an interest in us. Mrs. Reynolds in-
vited us to remain until after dinner and we accepted. Dur-
ing the forenoon we were delightfully entertained by her
daughters, Misses Eppie, Pink, and Bessie, who were about
twenty, sixteen, and fourteen years of age ; and also by Miss
Kathleen McConnell. It was the first day of real pleasure
that came to us after our troublous wanderings of many
weeks. We had the good fortune to meet Dr. Welch at the
station and also Mr. Thomas Reynolds, a married son of

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

167

Walker Reynolds. Both gave us cordial invitations to their
homes. After a brief conference we concluded that Martin
and Christy would go with Dr. Welch and leave their horses
there, while they were gone to Decatur, Georgia, and I would
go with Mr. Reynolds to remain until their return. I found
a most enjoyable home with Mr. Reynolds, and also with
Mr. William Mallor^.

CHAPTER XVIII

Mission for General Morgan to vicinity of Nashville — Miss
Mary Overall secures information in Nashville — Death of
Dee Jobe — Wounded Union soldier dies and is buried, by
enemies, in family graveyard — Safe arrival at Rome, Georgia.

When Martin and Christy returned to Alpine an order
was brought from General Morgan directing me to proceed
to Guntersville, Alabama, where a detail of four picked men
would be furnished me by the commander of the post. I
was to cross the Tennessee River near Guntersville, and go
to a safe point near Nashville, leaving my men stationed as
couriers, about one day's ride apart, between me and Gun-
tersville. It was his desire that I secure through friends,
who could go into Nashville, the location of each encamp-
ment and of the government stores, with the number of
troops as nearly as possible; also full information of the
garrisons as reported at all points near the route I traveled.

At Guntersville four young men volunteered when they
learned my mission. The Federals occupied the valley across
Tennessee River opposite Guntersville, with about a regi-
ment of infantry, artillery and two companies of cavalry. I
was directed to a friend near the mouth of a creek, five miles
above Guntersville. He had a small ferry-boat hid in the
creek and put us over after midnight and directed me to the
cabin home of a noted guerrilla, who lived just across the
valley — five miles, on the side of the mountain, nearly in the
rear of the camp of the enemy and not far from the road
that leads from Scottsboro to Guntersville ferry. I was told
that he was a typical mountaineer and could guide me across
the mountains, through the woods, never being in sight of
a road. I have forgotten his name.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 169

I found his place, and, just after daylight, left my men
in the woods, and went across his field to the rear of the
house, whistling. His wife was in the back yard when I
came up. She too was a shrewd mountaineer. It required
considerable explanation before she would agree to find her
husband for me. She told me to go back and stay near a
tree that she pointed out, farther up the mountain, and he
would come there from another direction. She cautioned
me that I, only, should go to him when he appeared in sight
and called, otherwise the shooting would commence. I
waited fully an hour, when we heard a voice on the moun-
tain side above us. I looked and saw a man, about one hun-
dred yards distant, on a large rock in plain view. I started
toward him, when he sat down and waited for me. I had a
note to him from the captain at Guntersville which, with
my explanations, satisfied him that there was no deception.
He came down and remained with us until his wife could
cook our rations and feed our horses, as we would pass no
houses during the day.

We were within two miles of the northwest side of the
mountain, where we were to descend, when a storm, which
had been threatening, now burst over us. My guide told me
he would have to turn back at the point of descent in order
to make his way to a road he intended to travel all night and
reach his den before morning. He put us into the big road
at the parting place and in the darkness we started down the
mountain. The way became so slippery that our horses had
trouble to keep on their feet and several went down, one man
being quite badly bruised. I finally halted and we hitched the
horses and stood under big trees until the rain ceased, about
midnight, and the stars came out. We found a dry place
under a large projecting rock, on the mountain side. It was
comfortable here and we remained until daylight.

We struck the valley seven miles above Huntsville. At
the base of the mountain I found a good friend with whom
one of the couriers was left to be kept secluded on the moun-
tain side. I instructed him to make a circuit around Hunts-

170 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

ville in going out with my report and cross Tennessee River
in a safer locality. I then traveled to the right of Fayette-
ville, crossing Elk River five miles above the town and just
below a mill-dam. Some twelve miles beyond, on Whitens,
or Lynn's Creek, as I remember the name, I located another
man, and, five miles east of Lewisburg, another. With the
remaining man I went through Farmington, expecting to
travel the Nashville pike, crossing Duck River at the bridge.
I learned it had been destroyed. I went a few miles below
and forded the river. Near by was the plantation of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Haynes, of a Tennessee regiment in John-
ston's army. His wife entertained us and agreed to keep
my man supplied if he would conceal himself in the woods.
She directed me to Squire Boyd, on the pike five miles north.
He had not retired when I arrived and directed me beyond
Triune, within twenty miles of Nashville.

I was directed to Dr. Clem Jordan, to call for his son Ned,
one mile north of Triune. I traveled the pike, as the nearest
garrisons were at Franklin and Murfreesboro, reaching Dr.
Jordan's place at one o'clock that night. In talking with
Ned, at an upper window, I heard some ladies talking in an
upper room at the other end of the house and caught the
remark, "That is Headley's voice." Mrs. John A. Jordan
and her daughters, Sophia and Mary Overall, were the ladies
I met at my friend Ellis Suttle's, near Murfreesboro, just
after my escape from Fort Donelson. Mr. John A. Jordan
was the son of Dr. Clem Jordan, who lived here, and Ned
was his brother.

After calculating the chances of getting in and out of
Nashville with Ned Jordan it seemed that my best arrange-
ment would be to send the ladies to the city, as they fre-
quently went now without difficulty.

Miss Mary Overall was an enthusiastic Southern girl,
about nineteen years of age, and when I confided my mis-
sion to her and her mother they said she could go and get their
friend, Dr. Hunter, in a drug store, to secure all the infor-
mation. She arranged with Miss Lucy King to accompany
her to Nashville.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 171

I moved a mile from the pike into a brier thicket on a
ridge in a large field. Ned Jordan came to my camp nearly
every day. He went with me across the field to the nearest
house, farther back, in which a widow, Mrs. Warren, lived
with a family of children. Mrs. Warren had a neighbor
over the hill, a Mrs. Cherry. Mrs. Cherry's oldest son was
a sort of roving soldier, a daring fellow, who was said to
have killed a number of the enemy from ambush. And
"Buck" Cherry, as he was called, was being hunted by every
party of scouting cavalry that raided in the neighborhood.
Between the two places I got my meals.

The right wing of General Rosecrans's army, under Gen-
eral Gordon Granger, occupied Triune after the battle of
Stone River and many of the homes of the citizens had been
destroyed in this locality. In my watches on the pike I
occupied a wooded hill in the rear of Mr. Moss's place on the
west side opposite the Page place on the hill across the pike.
Dee Jobe, a noted scout of Johnston's army, was with me the
last day I spent on this hill. He had achieved local fame by
a number of daring exploits with a few men during the Mur-
freesboro campaign. I should record here that he was sur-
prised by Federal cavalry scouts on the same hill, shortly
after I was gone, while asleep, and riddled with bullets. He
was left for dead, but revived after the enemy was gone,
and the citizens learned from him that he was asleep and did
not know who shot him.

Mrs. Jordan and her daughters, the Misses Overall, re-
lated to me their experience in the battle of Murfreesboro.
They were at the home of Mr. Ellis Suttle near Asbury
church on Overall's Creek where I first met them. When the
Federal right wing was engaged in this immediate locality
and toward the Wilkerson pike half a mile distant, these
ladies with Mr. and Mrs. Suttle sought safety down in the
baling box of the cotton-press below the surface of the
ground. They heard the battle raging all day long. After
the firing had ceased around the premises they came out and
found the yard, dwelling, and negro cabins filled with
Federals.

172 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It was a command which claimed to have been raised in
Philadelphia, of select, first-class young men, to serve as the
body-guard of General Buell. One of their number was
found in the house on a bed, mortally wounded. His name
was Walter Oak Edye, from Hamburg, Germany. His father
was an English merchant and ship owner who had removed
to Hamburg. A brother, Henry Oak Edye, was located in
New York as the agent of the ship line to Hamburg. This
younger brother was highly educated, speaking fluently
several languages, and coming over to this country enlisted
in the crack command in Philadelphia. His right arm was
crushed above the elbow\ The wound was received in the
morning but did not have attention from a surgeon until
after night. The troop to which he belonged was captured
about sunset, in the yard, being surprised by a force of Con-
federate cavalry. He lingered for two weeks and died, hav-
ing been nursed by this family the same as if he had been a
friend. He was buried and still sleeps in the family burial-
ground of the old Overall homestead. The Misses Overall
wrote his parents in Hamburg of his fate, with assurances
that his grave was duly marked and would be kept green
under the bluegrass of Tennessee. The brother in New
York sent a man to recover the body and remove it to that
city, but when he learned it had received decent burial in a
family graveyard he was proud to let it continue there for-
ever, though the National cemetery of Stone River is but a
mile and a half distant. The parents in Hamburg wrote the
Misses Overall a grateful letter and sent a present for both.
To one a gold locket set with diamonds and pearls contain-
ing a picture of the father and of his boy. To the other a
gold locket set with a spray of pearls containing the picture
of the mother and of her boy.

I had been in the neighborhood of Triune about a week
when Miss Overall informed me she was ready to go into
Nashville. She drove from Dr. Jordan's down to Flat Rock
within three miles of the city, where she and Miss King
were guests of Mrs. Angie Claude. The son-in-law of this

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 173

lady, Mr. Henry Tanksley, was taken into Miss Overall's
confidence. He cheerfully agreed to serve her in the matter.

The next morning he drove the conveyance of the young
ladies into the city and left them at the residence of his rela-
tives. It happened that his two nieces, by engagement, were
about ready to accompany some Federal officers up to Fort
Negley, and Misses Overall and King were invited to join
the party. The officers took pains to display everything
about the fort to the ladies. Not even Miss King had a hint
of the mission of Miss Overall.

Mr. Tanksley, however, being familiar with the city, had,
himself and through his friends, obtained full information
on every point, so that I could guide General Morgan into
the city on one side and out on another side in the event
he should fail to compel a surrender, and Miss Overall re-
turned with the information in detail. I. promptly sent a
complete report to General Morgan without signing my
taame, as Colonel Martin and Captain Christy would know
my handwriting. I continued to secure additional informa-
tion, all of which corresponded with that furnished Miss
Overall by Mr. Tanksley.

I had suggested a route by which General Morgan could
reach and surprise Nashville with an even chance to enter the
city without being discovered. It was about as follows:
March through Alabama, cross the Tennessee River between
Florence and Waterloo, then go north to Lawrenceburg,
Newburg and Centerville, on Duck River. This route was
thirty to forty miles west of the Nashville and Decatur Rail-
road. Then from Centerville the way was clear of the
enemy for a straight ride across the country to the neighbor-
hood of Mr. Robinson's, on Cumberland River, fifteen miles
below Nashville, which point he would reach ready to go
right on to Nashville at night, entering the city at a vacant
place on the west side. He could send a few picked men,
when he crossed the Tennessee River, through to cut the
telegraph wires, between Decatur and Nashville every day,
and come on to the place I had named six miles from Triune

174 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

in the cedar hills. Then send a man from Lawrenceburg
naming the night Morgan would reach Nashville. He could
safely calculate the time by the distance, Duck River, at Cen-
terville, being the only stream to cross, and might be forded,
as the Harpeth River was bridged on the Charlotte and
Nashville pike.

Dee Jobe, who was wii:h me, knew every private road
through all the hills between the pikes from Triune and
Murfreesboro to Nashville and could gather about fifteen
good men, who were hiding in that section, to pilot an attack-
ing party on our side and cut the wires between Murfrees •
boro and Nashville. With Dee Jobe as a guide we would
go at night and rendezvous, five miles from Nashville, in the
hills and spend a day secreted and then be near enough to
hear a fight in town, when we would drive in or capture the
pickets on the Triune and Murfreesboro pikes, and cause an
alarm that would help mystify the enemy.

I went back and forth along my line of couriers after wait-
ing seventeen days, but they did not report . I finally learned
that Morgan had gone to western Virginia.

The next day I crossed the mountains, arriving at Mr.
Henry's, two miles from Guntersville, where I spent one
night. I found the Confederate garrison gone. I traveled
all day across Sand Mountain. There were only three houses
on the road in a day's ride. I stopped ten miles from Gads-
den and the next day reached Rome, Georgia. I learned
here that General Morgan had been ordered to western Vir-
ginia. The command had marched from Decatur, Georgia,
through western North Carolina to Abingdon, Virginia. I
could hear of no orders for me, and proceeded to sell my
horse and follow by railroad to Abingdon.

CHAPTER XIX

One of the notable events that had attracted universal
attention among citizens and soldiers w^as the raid of Gen-
eral Kilpatrick and Colonel Dahlgren upon Richmond v^ith
the purpose of releasing the Federal prisoners and turning
them loose upon the city to pillage and sack it and then burn
it. Meanwhile, they were to kill President Davis and his
Cabinet. The attempt had been made in March, 1864.

Colonel Dahlgren had been detached with 500 picked men
to execute the plan, while Kilpatrick would threaten and
endeavor to enter the city with his large force of cavalry on
another side from Dahlgren. It appeared that Dahlgren's
men were provided with Greek fire and other combustible
material with which they might readily destroy the city.

The soldiers I met in Virginia were growing desperate.
Many of them knew their homes were being pillaged or de-
stroyed by the invaders, that their families were being perse-
cuted and subjected to cruel and inhuman treatment, that
their mothers, wives, and sisters were being driven from thej
burning homes and set adrift in a barren waste to seek food
and shelter. The spirit of vengeance was more pronounced
in the infantry, where the men led an idle life and brooded
over the woes they could not avert. Many a man would
express his hope that the day would come when there would
be a chance to retaliate. It seemed to aggravate every one
that the public sentiment of the North gloried in the persecu-
tion of non-combatants, the total devastation of homes and

176 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

all personal property; and especially the subjugation and
degradation of the Southern people. This Northern spirit
seemed to be intensified by the conviction that the South
could onlj be conquered by ruin and starvation.

It happened that Colonel Dahlgren was killed after the
failure at Richmond and that upon his body the papers were
found that disclosed his plans and purposes. These papers
were delivered by Lieutenant Pollard to the authorities at
Richmond and were published all over the South and in
many -Northern papers.

It appears that General Kilpatrick and Colonel Dahlgren
came directly from a conference in Washington with Presi-
dent Lincoln and acted by his authority and approval, just
as the army commanders were doing who were burning the
homes and property of the citizens of the South.

It also appears that the secret of the expedition was not
entrusted to General Meade, who was commanding the Army
of the Potomac; and that when he ordered General Sedg-
wick with a corps of infantry and General Custer with 2,000
cavalry to make demonstrations on the left of Lee's army,
he was simply obeying orders from Washington and was
ignorant of the mission of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren.

The papers found on the body of Colonel Dahlgren were
as follows:

(From "Life of Gen. R. E. Lee," by James D. McCabe, Jr.)

Headquarters Third Division Cavalry Corps.
Officers and Men :

You have been selected from brigades and regiments as a
picked command to attempt a desperate undertaking — an
undertaking which, if successful, will write your names on the
hearts of your countrymen in letters that can never be erased,
and which will cause the prayers of our fellow-soldiers now
confined in loathsome prisons to follow you and yours wherever
you may go.

We hope to release the prisoners from Belle Isle first, and
having seen them fairly started we will cross the James River
into Richmond, destroying the bridges after us, and exhorting

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 177

the released prisoners to destroy and burn the hateful city, and
do not allow the rebel leader Davis and his traitorous crew to
escape. The prisoners must render great assistance as you
cannot leave your ranks too far or become too much scattered,
or you will be lost.

Do not allow any personal gain to lead you off, which would
only bring you to an ignominious death at the hands of the
citizens. Keep well together, and obey orders strictly, and all
will be well, but on no account scatter too far; for in union
there is strength.

With strict obedience to orders, and fearlessness in the
execution, you will be sure to succeed.

We will join the main force on the other side of the city, or
perhaps meet them inside.

Many of you may fall ; but if there is any man here not
willing to sacrifice his life in such a great and glorious under-
taking, or who does not feel capable of meeting the enemy in
such a desperate fight as will follow, let him step out, and he
may go hence to the arms of his sweetheart, and read of the
braves who swept through the city of Richmond.

We want no man who cannot feel sure of success in such a
holy cause.

We will have a desperate fight; but stand up to it when it
does come, and all will be well.

Ask the blessing of the Almighty, and do not fear the enemy.

U. Dahlgren^
Colonel Commanding.

Besides this address were the following "special orders
and instructions," which were written upon a similar sheet
of paper, giving an outline of the whole plan of Kilpatrick
and Dahlgren:

Guides — Pioneers (with oakum, turpentine, and torpedoes) —
Signal-Officer — Quartermaster — Commissary:

Scouts and pickets — Men in rebel uniform :

These will remain on the north bank and move down with the
force on the south bank, not getting ahead of them ; and if the
communication can be kept up without giving alarm, it must be
done; but everything depends upon a surprise, and NO ONE
must be allowed to pass ahead of the column. Information
must be gathered in regard to the crossings of the river, so that
should we be repulsed on the south side we will know where to

178 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

recross at the nearest point. All mills must be burned, and the
canal destroyed ; and also everything which can be used by the
rebels must be destroyed, including the boats on the river.
Should a ferry-boat be seized and can be worked, have it moved
down. Keep the force on the south side posted of any important
move of the enemy, and in case of danger some of the scouts
must swim the river and bring us information. As we approach
the city, the party must take great care that they do not get
ahead of the other party on the south side, and must conceal
themselves and watch our movements. We will try and secure
the bridge to the city (one mile below Belle Isle), and release
the prisoners at the same time. If we do not succeed, they must
then dash down, and we will try and carry the bridge from each
side.

When necessary, the men must be filed through the woods and
along the river bank. The bridges once secured, and the
prisoners loose and over the river, the bridges will be secured
and the city destroyed. The men must keep together and well
in hand, and once in the city it must be destroyed, and JEFF.
DAVIS AND CABINET KILLED.

Pioneers will go along with combustible material. The officer
must use his discretion about the time of assisting us. Horses
and cattle, which we do not need immediately, must be shot
rather than left. Everything on the canal, and elsewhere, of
service to the rebels, must be destroyed. As General Custer
may follow me, be careful not to give a false alarm.

The signal-officer must be prepared to communicate at night
by rockets, and in other things pertaining to his department.

The quartermasters and commissaries must be on the lookout
for their departments, and see that there are no delays on their
account.

The engineer-officer will follow to survey the road as we pass
over it, etc.

The pioneers must be prepared to construct a bridge or destroy
one. They must have plenty of oakum and turpentine for
burning, which will be rolled in soaked balls and given to the
men to burn when we get in the city. Torpedoes will only be
used by the pioneers for destroying the main bridges, etc. They
must be prepared to destroy railroads. Men will branch off to
the right, with a few pioneers, and destroy the bridges and rail-
roads south of Richmond, and then join us at the city. They
must be well prepared with torpedoes, etc. The line of Falling
Creek is probably the best to work along, or, as they approach
the city, Goode's Creek ; so that no reinforcements can come up

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 179

on any cars. No one must be allowed to pass ahead for fear of
communicating news. Rejoin the command with all haste, and,
if cut off, cross the river above Richmond, and rejoin us. Men
will stop at Bellona Arsenal and totally destroy it, and anything
else but hospitals; then follow on and rejoin the command at
Richmond with all haste, and, if cut off, cross the river and
rejoin us. As General Custer may follow me, be careful and
not give a false alarm.

In addition to the above, the private note book of Colonel
Dahlgren contained the following memoranda, some of
which seemed to have been written with great haste:

Pleasanton will govern details.

Will have details from other commands (four thousand).

Michigan men have started.

Col. J. H. Devereaux has torpedoes.

Hanover Junction (B. T. Johnston).

Maryland Line.

[Here follows a statement of the composition and numbers
of Johnston's command.]

Chapin's farm — seven miles below Richmond.

One brigade (Hunton's relieved Wise, sent to Charlestown).

River can be forded half a mile above the city. No works on
south side. Hospitals near them. River fordable. Canal can
be crossed.

Fifty men to remain on north bank, and keep in communica-
tion, if possible. To destroy mills, canal, and burn everything of
value to the rebels. Seize any large ferry-boats, and note all
crossings, in case we have to return that way. Keep us posted
of any important movement of the rebels, and, as we approach
the city, communicate with us, and do not give the alarm before
they see us in possession of Belle Isle and the bridge. If en-
gaged there, or unsuccessful, they must assist in securing the
bridges until we cross. If the ferry-boat can be taken and
worked, bring it down. Everything that cannot be secured or
made use of must be destroyed. Great care must be taken not
to be seen or any alarm given. The men must be filed along off
the road or along the main bank. When we enter the city the
officer must use his discretion as to when to assist in crossing
the bridges.

The prisoners once loosed and the bridges crossed, the city
must be destroyed, burning the public buildings, etc.

180 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

PrisonCTs to go with party.

Spike the heavy guns outside.

Pioneers must be ready to repair, destroy, etc. Turpentine
will be provided. The pioneers must be ready to destroy the
Richmond bridges, after we have all crossed, and to destroy
the railroad near Frederick's Hall (station, artillery, etc.)
*******

Fifteen men to halt at Bellona Arsenal, while the column
goes on, and destroy it. Have some prisoners. Then rejoin us
at R. ; leaving a portion to watch if anything follows, under a
good officer.

Will be notified that Custer may come.

Main column, four hundred.

One hundred men will take the bridge after the scouts, and
dash through the streets and open the way to the front, or, if
it is open, destroy everything in the way.

While they are on the big bridges, one hundred men will take
Belle Isle, after the scouts instructing the prisoners to gut the
city. The reserve (two hundred) will see this fairly done and
everything over, and then follow, destroying the bridges after
them, and then destroy the city; going up the principal streets
and destroying everything before them, but not scattering too
much, and always having a part well in hand.

Jeff Davis and Cabinet must be killed on the spot.

The proof afforded by these papers will not admit of a
doubt of the murderous intention of the Federal commander.
The authenticity of the papers has been denied by the father
of Colonel Dahlgren, but the denial was accompanied by no
proof. The genuineness of the papers is well shown by the
following letter from General Fitz Lee, in transmitting them
to the War Department :

Headquarters Lee's Division,
Cavalry Corps, Army Northern Va.,
March 31, 1864.
General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General.

General : I have the honor to enclose to you Colonel Dahl-
gren's note book, just sent to me by Colonel Beall, commanding
Ninth Virginia Cavalry. Had I known of its existence it would
have been forwarded with the "papers."

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 181

His name and rank is written on the first page, with the date
(probably) of his purchasing it. The book, amongst other
memoranda, contains a rough pencil sketch of his address to
his troops, differing somewhat from his pen and ink copy. I
embrace this occasion to add, the original papers bore no marks
of alteration, nor could they possibly have been changed except
by the courier who brought them to me, which is in the highest
degree improbable; and the publications of them in the daily
Richmond papers were exact copies, in every respect, of the
original. Very respectfully.

Your obedient servant,

(Signed) Fitz Lee,

Major-General Commanding.

This raid of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren attracted universal
attention all over the North as well as the South.

Besides the death of Dahlgren, his command was scattered
and many of them fell into the hands of the Confederates.
With reference to these Mr. Davis says :

The prisoners, having been captured in disguise, were, under
the usages of war, liable to be hanged as spies, but their protes-
tations that their service was not voluntary, and the fact that
as enlisted men they were subject to orders, and could not be
held responsible for the infamous instructions under which
they were acting, saved them from the death-penalty they had
fully incurred. PHOTOGRAPHIC COPIES OF THE
PAPERS FOUND ON DAHLGREN'S BODY WERE
TAKEN AND SENT TO GENERAL LEE, with instructions
to communicate them to General Meade, commanding the
enemy's forces in his front, with an inquiry as to whether such
practices were authorized by his Government, and also to say
that, IF ANY QUESTION WAS RAISED AS TO THE
COPIES, THE ORIGINAL PAPER WOULD BE SUB-
MITTED. NO SUCH QUESTION WAS THEN MADE,
and THE DENIAL THAT DAHLGREN'S CONDUCT
HAD BEEN AUTHORIZED WAS ACCEPTED.

Many sensational stories, having not even a basis of truth,
were put in circulation to exhibit the Confederate authorities as
having acted with unwarrantable malignity toward the deceased
Colonel Dahlgren. The fact was, that his body was sent to
Richmond and decently interred in the Oakwood Cemetery,

182 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

where other Federal soldiers were buried. The enormity of
HIS OFFENSES WAS NOT FORGOTTEN, but resentment
against him ended with his life. It was also admitted that,
however bad his preceding conduct had been, he met his fate
gallantly, charging at the head of his men when he found him-
self inextricably encompassed by his foe.

It would be fair to give the explanations made by the
friends of Colonel Dahlgren, who, however, do not appear to
have ever published any explanation from any officer or
soldier of Colonel Dahlgren's force of 500 picked men. The
defense seems to have been made by persons who felt called
upon to exonerate General Meade.

A major-general of the Federal army* writes as follows :

The only other event of note, before the arrival of General
Grant, was the Kilpatrick-Dahlgren raid upon Richmond. It
was authorised directly from Washington, and was not the
suggestion of General Meade, nor did it have his approval;
however, he set about carrying it into effect with all proper
spirit and energy. The movement depended largely for its
success upon its secrecy, and, therefore, when Colonel Dahlgren
arrived from Washington before the preparations were com-
pleted, and asked to be permitted to accompany Kilpatrick,
Meade was annoyed to learn that the expedition was currently
discussed in the Capital. The plan was for Kilpatrick to move
generally from our left, passing the right flank of Lee's army,
and to proceed to Richmond by as direct routes as possible,
while, as diversions, and to cover his movement, Custer, with
2,000 cavalry, was to make a raid beyond Gordonsville, and the
Sixth Corps and Birney's division of the Third were to move in
support of Custer to Madison Court House on Robertson's
River. No effort was made to conceal this movement, as it was
intended to convey the impression to the enemy that a formidable
attempt was to be made upon his left flank. Upon the arrival
of Sedgwick and Birney at Robertson's River at nightfall of the
27th of February, Custer went by with his command, with
instructions to proceed toward Charlottesville, and, if possible,
to destroy the railway bridge near that place.

♦General Martin T. McMahon in Century War Series, No. 26.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 183

His movement had certainly had the desired effect as a diver-
sion. While these operations were taking place Kilpatrick had
advanced in the direction of Richmond and had divided his
forces, sending a portion under Dahlgren to strike the James
River above Richmond, retaining the main body under his own
command until he was satisfied that the experiment was not
feasible. He made his way down the Peninsula in the direction
of Butler's command, and was subsequently transferred by boat
to rejoin the Army of the Potomac, or more properly the horse-
hospital camp, near Washington. Aside from our losses in
men, and among them the gallant and heroic Dahlgren, the result
of this movement was to disable for the time being 3,000 or 4,000
of the very flower of our cavalry.

A gentleman* who appears to have investigated the particu-
lars of the expedition of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren writes as
follows :

On the night of Sunday, the 28th of February, 1864, Gen.
Judson Kilpatrick, leaving Stevensburg with 4,000 cavalry and
a battery of horse artillery, crossed the Rapidan at Ely's Ford,
surprised and captured the enemy's picket there, and marched
rapidly by Spottsylvania Court House toward Richmond.

"His object was to move past the enemy's right flank, enter
the Confederate Capital, and release the Union captives in its
military prisons. This bold project had grown out of PRESI-
DENT LINCOLN'S DESIRE TO HAVE HIS AMNESTY
PROCLAMATION CIRCULATED WITHIN THE CON-
FEDERATE LINES; AND GENERAL KILPATRICK,
WITH WHOM MR. LINCOLN DIRECTLY CON-
FERRED, HAD REPORTED TO GENERAL MEADE, ON
THIS OFFICER'S APPLICATION, A PLAN WHICH
INCLUDED THE RELEASE OF THE RICHMOND
PRISONERS AND A RAID UPON THE ENEMY'S COM-
MUNICATIONS AND SUPPLIES. His force was to be
chosen from the cavalry corps, mostly from his own — the
Third — division ; and Col. Ulric Dahlgren, separating from him
near Spottsylvania, with five hundred picked men, was to cross
the James, enter Richmond on the south side, after liberating
the Belle Isle prisoners, and unite with Kilpatrick's main force
entering the city from the north at 10 a. m. of Tuesday, March

♦George E. Pond in Century War Series, No. 26.

184 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

1st. General Meade aided the enterprise with simultaneous
demonstrations of the Sixth Corps and of Birney's division of
the Third against Lee's left, and of Custer's cavalry division
toward Charlottesville."

The publication of the Dahlgren papers did not materially
add to the now revengeful feelings of the Confederate sol-
diers. They did not think that Dahlgren had attempted to do
anything worse than many Federal officers and soldiers were
doing every day in many parts of the South. They thought
the homes in Richmond no more sacred than those of the
Shenandoah Valley that were in ashes ; and while President
Davis and his Cabinet were of greater value to the Confed-
eracy it would be no worse to kill them than for Gen. Stephen
G. Burbridge to shoot innocent prisoners, at Lexington,
Kentucky, because his raiding parties were fired on from
ambush and men killed or wounded. The same policy was
being pursued by Col. Sam Johnson at Hopkinsville, Ken-
tucky, and by Gen. E. A. Paine at Gallatin, Tennessee. This
was Gen. John C. Fremont's policy in Missouri, even in
1 86 1, toward men who might be caught with arms in their
hands, though they might wear a so-called Confederate
uniform.

It appeared that the war party in the North claimed a
monopoly of this mode of warfare. The slightest innova-
tion by Confederates was regarded as infamous and "un-
paralleled in the annals of war." General Morgan and sixty-
eight of his officers were subjected to penitentiary treatment
and discipline on the charge of being "horse thieves." Their
heads were shaved or cropped close to the skin and likewise
mustaches or beards. They occupied convicts' cells and
received the dungeon treatment of convicts at the option of
guards or wardens upon any infraction, real or supposed,
of the penitentiary rules. They were not recognized as pris-
oners of war. They were not in a military prison even
suffering the privations there under military discipline. But
they had been delivered by Major-General Burnside, after
their capture in battle or on the march, to Governor Tod of
Ohio to be confined in the penitentiary as felons.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 185

These and many other like views were common subjects
now among the best men in the Confederate Army. It
seemed a bitter fate to the Southern people according to
the opinions of the Confederate soldiers.

It was some consolation to them, however, that about half
the Northern people were opposed to the cruel war upon the
Southern people and seemed ready to fight against being
drafted into the Union Army.

The riot in New York City against the enforcement of
the draft was a notable instance. On this occasion the mob
had held sway in the city for several days. Governor
Horatio Seymour, of New York, appeared upon the scene
and appealed to the rioters for peace and good order, prom-
ising to have the "order for the draft suspended," but by
way of warning to the authorities at Washington or rather
to President Lincoln, he exclaimed, in a public address in
New York City :

Remember this, that the bloody^ and treasonable, and revolu-
tionary doctrine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob
as well as by a government. * * * When men accept
despotism, they may have a choice as to who the despot shall be !

It was this condition of affairs that animated the South-
ern citizens and soldiers in extending so warm a welcome to
General Morgan upon his escape from captivity. Indeed,
the presence of Morgan in the Confederacy was an inspira-
tion to the soldiers.

CHAPTER XX

Morgan at Abingdon — General Jenkins wounded and his com-
mand routed — Martin leads a charge — Morgan defeats enemy
near Wytheville — His last raid to Kentucky — Captures
garrison at Mt. Sterling — Martin's command surprised by
Burbridge — Defense and escape with severe loss — Fight and
capture of garrison at Cynthiana — Capture of Gen. E. H.
Hobson and his command at Cynthiana — Morgan defeated by
Burbridge — Escape to Virginia.

The universal manifestation of confidence by the people
and soldiers in General Morgan seemed to inspire him with
fresh enthusiasm, and he at once proceeded to organize a
division out of the fragments of his old division that had
not been captured and other detachments and commands
of Kentucky cavalry that were available in western Virginia,

Since the arrival of General Morgan at Abingdon some
exciting events had occurred. I learned from my comrades
at the hotel in Abingdon that two expeditions of the Fed-
erals had attacked the line of railroad, from Abingdon to
Richmond, at Dublin near New River bridge. General
Jenkins commanded the Confederate garrison stationed at
this place. Upon the approach of the Federals under com-
mand of General Crook, General Morgan sent the dis-
mounted fragments of his old division, about four hundred
men, under Col. D. Howard Smith and Lieut.-Col. Martin
to the assistance of Jenkins. When they arrived at Dublin
Depot General Jenkins had been attacked by a superior force
and his troops were in retreat toward the depot from their
line of battle. In a vain endeavor to rally his men. General
Jenkins was seriously wounded. Colonel McCausland, who
succeeded to the command, was making the same attempt,
when Morgan's men rushed from the cars, and forming

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 187

quickly Colonel Martin led them in a charge upon the enemy,
who were rushing forward wildly upon the idea that the
garrison was at their mercy. They were driven back in
confusion, though the retreating troops of General Jenkins
did not halt to help their rescuers. Finally the enemy after
reforming advanced with a large force, when Smith and
Martin withdrew their men and safely crossed New River,
where they remained until the next morning and then re-
turned to Abingdon. Captain Cleburne, a young brother
of Maj.-Gen. Pat Cleburne of Bragg's army, was killed in
the charge of Morgan's men at Dublin Depot.

The enemy under General Averill at the same time had
advanced against Wytheville, where a Confederate force was
posted.

General Morgan had hurried from Abingdon, with his
mounted force, to Wytheville and arrived in advance of the
enemy. A sharp engagement ensued as the enemy ap-
proached, which resulted in a victory for the troops under
General Morgan's command, including a brigade of cavalry
commanded by General Jones that was stationed at Wythe-
ville. The Confederates lost between fifty and sixty killed
and wounded. But they had inflicted a heavier loss upon
Averill's force, besides taking over one hundred prisoners
and nearly two hundred horses. Generals Crook and Averill
retreated northward after these engagements and General
Morgan returned to Abingdon.

I had arrived at Abingdon a few days after these occur-
rences, and while the enemy had fallen back from our terri-
tory they still occupied advanced positions in West Virginia
and threatened Saltville, which had been guarded by Gen-
eral Morgan, and he was still expected to protect the salt
works located there.

There was now an active effort to equip General Mor-
gan's troops. But for the first time in its history the Gov-
ernment at Richmond was furnishing supplies to General
Morgan's command, though in scant measure.

188 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Martin got permission from General Morgan to go to
the country and recruit the horses of his staff. We went
some fifteen miles distant in the mountains, where we located
on a fertile plateau. In leaving Abingdon I with a number
of others traveled in a two-horse wagon.

Colonel Martin went by General Morgan's headquarters
and when he overtook us on the road he handed me an
envelope. It contained my commission from General Mor-
gan as 1st lieutenant in the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry. Mar-
tin told me afterwards that General Morgan appreciated my
trip to Nashville. He also told me that he was to command
the dismounted men organized into a brigade on the raid
to Kentucky which would be made within a few days. He
said he wanted me to serve on his staff.

The command started about the first of June. There were
two mounted brigades, one commanded by Colonel Giltner
and the other by Col. D. Howard Smith. These of course
went ahead of our dismounted men and cleared the route.

Colonel Martin's staff was made up as follows: Lieut.
Arthur Andrews, assistant adjutant-general; Capt. Bob
Berry, commissary; Capt. Orville West, quartermaster;
Lieut. John W. Headley, inspector-general ; Lieuts. Oscar L.
Barbour and Meade Woodson, aides-de-camp. There was
nothing for this staff to do on the march to Kentucky. I
simply fell into ranks and marched in the column for four
days, when I began to fag, and took my place among the
stragglers, who were loaded down with swollen feet and
legs. When I reached Hazel Green I learned I was half a
day behind the head of our column. But I pushed on,
stopping to wade in cool streams occasionally, hoping that
might take out some of the swelling. At Ticktown I was
informed that our brigade would camp in Mt. Sterling that
night and wait for the column to close up. Also that Gen-
eral Morgan had captured the garrison the night before and
several hundred horses for our men. This news stimulated
me to try and reach camp before the horses were distributed.
I arrived at about eleven o'clock at night.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 189

The command was camped in a woodland on a ridge that
crossed the pike about half a mile before reaching Mt. Ster-
ling. Nearly every man in camp was fast asleep. I did not
go ten feet from the pike, but spread my pallet and tried to
sleep or rest, but could do neither. Many others were in
equally bad condition. I learned that Colonel Martin's
headquarters were across the pike.

At daylight I got up and lighted my pipe, concluding I
would smoke for consolation. Just then two or three shots
were fired about half a mile down the pike on which we had
come into camp. I heard several horses coming at full
speed and then a storm began to roar in the same direction.
It was a column of horses on the pike after the pickets. Only
a few men in the whole command seemed to be awake or
to have heard the shots. I began to shout aloud, forgetting
my heavy legs, and wabbled around in the camp to rouse the
soldiers. Others spread the alarm, but objects could hardly
be seen very far as daylight was barely breaking. On came
the uproar up the pike. The pickets ran by, yelling the
alarm, and there was confusion all over the camp. I hardly
had an idea of our location, but discovered a plank fence
back from the pike about seventy-five yards. There was
none along the pike on our side. I and other officers called
to the men to get over the fence and lie down. Those who
got up went in a run for the fence. The enemy was coming
" into the camp now, shooting men as they got up or as they
lay asleep. It looked like a slaughter. But from the fence
the fire opened and we began to pour buckshot into the
crowded enemy and they were falling fast. They spread
all over the camp in a few minutes, and kept shooting our
men who were trying to escape. Our fire from over four
hundred gims was telling on their ranks all the time. They
were not over a hundred feet from us. Suddenly a horseman
from their crowd galloped toward us bareheaded, shouting,
"Come over the fence, boys, and charge quick !" Every one
recognized the form and voice of Col. Bob Martin. There
was no hesitation. The line went over the fence in an instant
and went right up to them with shotguns and pistols.

190 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The enemy got so blocked they ran over each other as well
as the dead and wounded. We yelled and fought still,
crowding them so closely that they were in such confusion
they could not shoot, and there was no room for them to
spread and get out of each other's way. Martin was yell-
ing, and fighting with his pistol along with the rest. It was
light enough to see some distance now, and the enemy's
column seemed to have clogged in the lane, which was hedged
by a strong plank fence on both sides, and they could not
get off their horses nor out of the lane, so Martin led the
charge on the crowded head of their column so furiously that
it stampeded for a hundred yards at least. They got a piece
of artillery through the fence about two hundred yards dis-
tant and began to throw canister into the camp. But we
were fifty yards down the lane now and pushing ahead. I
saw Colonel Martin and his horse go down some ten steps
from me, but he arose quickly and within a few minutes was
on another horse. Rushing toward me on the right he told
me to take some men and get that cannon while he rushed
the column back on the pike. I called on the men around
me to follow, and they sprang forward in a run, loading
their guns and firing as they went. I had no gun and held
my pistol fire for closer quarters.

Martin was going with the main force right on the enemy
in the pike and had them nearly back to the cannon. Their
whole column along the lane was jammed. My party was
inside the field and we went along as fast as we could load
and shoot. My men fired in the rear of the head of the
column, as I thought that would increase the confusion. We
were already beyond the head of the column, but it had no
time to give my crowd any attention, while our column on
foot was all around the stampeding front. We then made a
rush for the cannon and stopped firing. Three of my men
reached the cannon ahead of me.

A number of shots were falling around us from the rear,
some distance back, where I noticed several men were over
in the field on foot, having turned their horses loose in the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 191

crushing crowd along the lane. The horses were gone from
the cannon and one of those hitched to the caisson was dead
in the harness, while the other one seemed frightened nearly
to death but could not go anywhere with his load. Unfor-
tunately, none of my party knew how to load and shoot the
cannon or we would have turned it on their struggling
masses in the lane as far as we could see. The men were
cutting the harness off the dead horse, as our fighting col-
umn had now passed us ; but I observed, not over a hundred
yards from us, the enemy was putting men into the field,
dismounted, and knew they would not be long in coming.
We thereupon hitched ourselves to the cannon and went up
the slope as fast as we could, some of the men bringing
what they could carry from the caisson.

The firing had lulled somewhat by the time we got into
our camp, where we hoped a squad might be ready to load
and open on the masses in the lane. I then saw that the
enemy had dismounted about a hundred yards from us and
formed on both sides of the lane and were about ready to
move forward. More were still going over the fences on
each side farther in the rear. Martin was now falling back
slowly, still firing. We took the cannon and pushed on, my
aim being now to get away with it. I supposed the other
two brigades were near by and was expecting every minute
they would come to our rescue.

We hurried forward with the cannon and were out of
danger, when we stopped to see if we had better go to help
the men with Martin and try to find some one who could
shoot the cannon.

Bullets began to pepper the ground around us and to pass
higher from the dismounted enemy in the field. One struck
me on the shin of the left leg. It must have struck a rail
or something else, however, as it only half buried itself in
the flesh and dropped in my boot leg. It hurt about like
the lick of a stone thrown hard at a short distance.

Martin was now bringing the men back rapidly, and gal-
loping to me said we would have to leave the cannon. He

192 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

told me he was shot in the foot and hurried away. I did
not know the other six men who went with me to capture the
cannon, but I have since learned they were from Carroll
County, Kentucky.

With my swollen limbs, I soon dropped to the rear, but
the enemy was not pressing us. Their mounted column that
was jammed in the lane could not pursue without trampling
their own dead and wounded.

There was a common between our camp and Mt. Sterling
and I now had several hundred yards to go before reaching
the suburbs. Just as I reached the foot of the ridge and the
edge of the common, several loose horses, with their halters
dangling, came running around from the right, and I spread
myself to coax one to stop. I finally secured one, and mount-
ing him bareback guided him by the halter rein. I galloped
through town and soon reached Martin, who was trying to
get all the men closed up. We went out the Winchester
pike and half a mile from town passed through a cut in a
ridge that crossed the pike. It seemed to be the same ridge
that wound round toward our camp. Just behind this ridge
we came upon the mounted brigade of Colonel Giltner stand-
ing in line. The Colonel rode to us, and he and Colonel
Martin agreed to make a stand here. Martin turned his
column and formed a line on the right of the pike facing
Mt. Sterling. We could see the enemy in town and presently
a dismounted line moved forward with skirmishers in ad-
vance. The pike curved somewhat in Giltner's front, or
rather it circled so that Giltner was first to be engaged.

As the enemy pressed forward. Colonel Martin en-
deavored to move forward and to turn the enemy's left flank,
but was met with a volley from a line of skirmishers that
covered our front. Driving these back we came in sight of
a dismounted line of battle some two hundred yards from
the ridge. The line officers in Martin's remnant reported
the ammunition exhausted. This was no surprise after the
engagement of the early morning. Giltner's brigade re-
pulsed the advance against his position while we were simply

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 193

holding ours. But soon the enemy advanced upon us
slowly and our remaining shots were fired, after which
Colonel Martin withdrew his line and part of Giltner's bri-
gade occupied our position. We did not know whether or
not Giltner could resist the advance, so Colonel Martin
ordered his men to hasten to reach the woods half a mile
farther back. Meanwhile, Captain West, the quartermaster,
was endeavoring to get a supply of ammunition from Gilt-
ner's stock. The enemy, from an elevation to our right,
sent a volley at our mounted party as we were leaving the
ridge and Martin and I had to go under fire for about fifty
yards. The weary officers and men were getting away in
droves; perhaps half of the command was bareheaded. 1
asked Martin why Giltner had not come to our assistance in
the morning when he had only a mile to go and we were
fighting from daybreak until after sunrise. *T do not know,"
he said, laughing; "I did not ask him why he didn't."

I asked Martin how we happened to be surprised. He
said General Morgan had captured Mt. Sterling the night
before we arrived, taking 400 prisoners, a lot of horses,
teams and supplies; and had gone to Winchester to take
that place and try to mount our men without delay, leaving
Colonel Brent with 50 men for guard posts. He said he
directed Brent to post the picket at least a mile from camp.
I then told him that I reached the camp at eleven o'clock and
the pickets told me the camp was not over two hundred
yards ahead, which I found to be true. He said he didn't
know anything about Brent, except that he ought to be
court-martialed, etc.

Colonel Martin now complained of his foot giving him
pain. A bullet had furrowed across on top at the base of
the instep and it was bloody. We thought best for him to
get a surgeon. He went off after one and to have it
examined.

Our little command had reached the pike and halted near
the woods while Giltner's brigade still held the ridge, but
the firing had about ceased.

194 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

We discovered a command of cavalry on the pike toward
Winchester coming- at full speed, and in a few minutes the
men shouted, "Morgan, Morgan, that's Morgan!" The
boys yelled for joy, and Morgan's men came yelling. Their
princely commander was recognized in the lead, bareheaded,
but waving his hat and cheering as he pushed forward. He
was the first to reach us. Halting his column, he rode
around among our 450 men until they quieted. I sat by the
side of the pike on my naked horse and watched him. I had
never seen General Morgan before. Everything in his
appearance denoted elegance and gallantry. He had the
exquisite form of perfect manhood, with the fair complexion,
the mellow blue eyes, and the charming features of a hand-
some woman. He listened to the stories of our disaster for
a few minutes. Then with words of sympathy for the men
he exclaimed, "I'll get them yet," and told them they should
not walk any farther. He called to Colonel Smith and said
a few words. I overheard the remark that these men must
have something to eat at once and drinking water. He
ordered Smith's brigade forward to support Giltner. It had
been standing in a column of fours for ten minutes, while
one of Morgan's staff officers had been to confer with Gilt-
ner, whose brigade had ceased firing. Morgan then asked
for Colonel Martin. Some one said, "Yonder is Lieutenant
Headley, he can tell," at the same time calling me. I went
forward and Morgan said he was glad to know me. I told
him I had just learned Martin was at the house not far away,
to which I pointed in Giltner's direction. He galloped away.
It was soon rumored that Morgan was going to attack the
town.

A supply of rations arrived, fires were started in the wood-
land, and we were soon eating a meal. I had not eaten a
mouthful since noon of the day before. In a little while a
man brought me a saddle and bridle which Colonel Martin
had sent, and a message for me to join him. His foot had
been dressed but was swollen and, some of the bones being
broken, he was suffering.

MAJOR-GE^ERAL JOHN H. MORGAN
1864

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 195

After an hour or so Martin received a message from Mor-
gan, by a staff officer, that it was deemed inexpedient to
attack the enemy in town, having ascertained that they had
occupied and barricaded the court-house and principal brick
buildings. It would be necessary to burn the town, which
Morgan was unwilling to do.

The entire command was now formed on the pike and
moved toward Winchester. Most of our little brigade had
been furnished horses and the rest rode in wagons.

Before we had gone far Colonel Martin sent for me. He
wanted me to go and ask General Morgan to assign our
remnant to one of the other brigades. Morgan studied a
moment and said all right, he would put the men with Col-
onel Smith's brigade. He sent me to tell Smith, but said
he would see him also. I caught up with Smith and reported
the arrangement. He invited me to serve with him and said
the others on Martin's staff could do likewise. His inquir-
ies as to myself brought out the fact that he had served in
the State Senate of Kentucky with my father, so we became
good friends.

Colonel Smith told me of the fight at Mt. Sterling the
morning before our arrival, when they captured 400 pris-
oners, supplies, etc. He explained that his brigade went with
General Morgan to Winchester, twelve miles, leaving Gilt-
ner's brigade with horses and supplies for Martin's dis-
mounted brigade.

These events occurred on the 9th day of June, 1864.

Marching from Mt. Sterling we passed through Win-
chester and entered Lexington after midnight. The garri-
son of the enemy there was driven into a fortification on one
side of the city. We only remained here a short time.

Early next morning we marched into Georgetown and
halted for several hours. Meanwhile, several details had
been sent toward Frankfort and in other directions to make
feints and deceive the enemy. We left Georgetown on the
pike toward Cynthiana.

196 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

At sunrise the next morning, the nth, we approached
Cynthiana on the Leesburg pike, with Giltner's brigade in
front. The pickets were driven in, the pommand going
forward at a gallop. There was some firing at the fleeing
pickets. A brisk fight was raging when the head of our bri-
gade came to the suburbs, at a point where the pike descended
from a ridge and entered the town. Just beyond a brick
residence on the right, inside a blue-grass meadow. General
Morgan sat on his horse with members of his staff around
him. The meadow sloped down to the railroad depot, a dis-
tance perhaps of two hundred yards on the right. The
depot was in the edge of the town and occupied by the enemy.
Giltner had reached the town and his men were now fighting
on the other side of the depot from us. Smith's brigade was
dismounted and entered the meadow, charging toward the
depot. Lieutenants Andrews, Barbour, and I went along
on horseback. We were received with a storm of bullets
from the depot and were obliged to halt about fifty yards
from it ; some lying down, others finding shelter along a fence
to the left were thus enabled to creep closer. Here a courier
from General Morgan brought a message for me and others
on horseback to come back. He said we were exposing our-
selves and doing no good.

This position was held for perhaps half an hour, when
Giltner's men, having set fire to the houses near the depot,
were now in the act of setting it on fire when the white flag
was hoisted by the enemy. The doors were opened and our
men entered the building from all sides.

The enemy had suffered severely inside the depot. Their
commander, Colonel Berry, was among the killed. He was
a wealthy farmer of the county near Berry Station, which
had been named for him by the railroad company some years
before. He had been straightened on his back by some of
his men, with a piece of plank under his head, when I went
to see him as he lay on the floor. He was a large, tall, fine-
looking man, apparently about forty-eight years of age.
Some one remarked that he had a son in Morgan's command.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 197

I immediately thought of Capt. Robert Berry, who was
commissary on the staff of Colonel Martin and now with
Colonel Smith. I went at once to find him and he proved
to be the son. It was sad to see him look upon his father's
face in death for a moment and then come away. He did
not know until then that his father had entered the service
on the other side, though a Union man from the beginning
of the war.

Not long afterward it was reported that a force of the
enemy had arrived on the other side of the town by rail-
road from Cincinnati. Giltner's brigade formed and en-
gaged them for a while, then General Morgan with Smith's
brigade followed. We found the forces nearly a mile from
town. The enemy's force consisted of infantry. After they
disembarked their train had gone back. When our brigade
moved up in full view, the Federal commander formed his
force in a hollow square about the middle of a large blue-
grass pasture. Their flag was planted on each side. The
commander and his staff sat mounted in the center. The
enemy, as nearly as I could estimate, numbered about 1,500
men. General Morgan's force here present numbered about
1,800 men, and he at once formed a hollow square, mounted,
facing to the inside all around the enemy and about two
hundred yards away. This consumed some time, but the
display was an attractive dress-parade. General Morgan
now sent a flag of truce and, without firing a gun, the enemy
surrendered. The commander who surrendered this force
was Gen. E. A. Hobson, whose command had captured Gen-
eral Morgan's command in Ohio. But General Morgan did
not retaliate upon Hobson for his own treatment as a felon in
the Ohio Penitentiary, as he was satisfied General Hobson
had not inspired it and should not be held responsible.

General Duke says :

General Hobson was paroled and sent, under escort of Capt.
C. C. Morgan and two other officers, to Cincinnati, to effect, if
possible, the exchange of himself and officers for certain of

198 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

General Morgan's officers then in prison, and, failing in that, to
report as a prisoner within the Confederate lines. He was not
permitted to negotiate the exchange and his escort were detained
for some weeks.

It was now nearly night, and General Morgan proceeded
to commit the first mistake in his hitherto brilliant career,
which had never been equaled except by the indomitable
Forrest. After detailing, including the detachments which
had been sent in different directions, guards for the pris-
oners and wagon-train, perhaps 600 men altogether, the re-
mainder of about 1,500 were moved out on the Paris pike
less than a mile from town, where they were encamped in a
woods pasture. We were only thirty miles from Mt. Ster-
ling, where Burbridge with 4,000 cavalry had surprised
Colonel Martin's camp two days before. Giltner's brigade
was near the pike on the right and Smith's brigade still
farther to the right — all on a ridge that crossed the Paris
pike.

At daylight next morning I was awake and heard several
rifle shots two or three hundred yards up the pike in front
of Giltner's camp. Andrews, Barbour, and I were ready,
as we had not taken off any clothing when we retired and our
horses were saddled and ready. I awakened Colonel Smith
nearby — we were all sleeping under the same tree — who
directed us to wake up the camp and have the command
formed. We found Colonel Bowles, Captains Kirkpatrick
and Cantrill already up and their commands falling into
line as fast as the men could get ready and mount.

The enemy had reached Giltner's command, which had
formed hastily, and an engagement was in progress. The
enemy began to appear about four hundred to five hundred
yards distant, moving from the pike in our direction, and
presently their mounted line swung around in our front.
Lieutenant Andrews, who had gone for Colonel Smith, came
with orders for our line to move forward. We did not go
far when the command was dismounted and sent forward on

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 199

foot. Barbour and I went with Colonel Bowles's command,
which was on the extreme right. The Federal line was
stretched from our front all the way to the pike. The con-
flict with Giltner was in plain view but the line in our front
was standing still. Our line went forward yelling, the right
going over a rock fence into a small woods pasture. Just
to the left of this was a rail fence and a big gate in line with
the rock fence. Soon after we passed this line of fencing,
to my surprise Colonel Martin passed us shouting,
"Charge !" I had not seen him for two days. He was rid-
ing with one foot in the stirrup and the other on a pillow
and hooked around the horn of his saddle. Barbour and
I went with him, but the enemy soon halted us all. They
opened fire and stood firm.

When we were within one hundred yards of their line,
they started a charge upon the front of Bowles, to our right,
and their whole line moved forward. Colonel Martin
ordered our line to fall back. Bowles's men formed behind
the rock fence. Cantrill and Kirkpatrick were not so well
protected, but the first charge was directed at Bowles. Be-
fore we could get through the gate my hat was knocked off
in the rush and the gateway was choked for a minute.
Colonel Martin held my horse while I got my hat, as I was
just as safe on the ground while waiting to get through the
gate. The Federals rushed into the little woods pasture and
came within fifty feet of the rock fence under fire as if they
were going to ride over it, but Bowles's men did not waver
or slacken a continuous fire. He sat his horse and rode
along his line, while Colonel Martin and others aided in
encouraging the line to hold that fence. It was too hot for
the enemy. They recoiled, but, after halting about one
hundred yards distant and reforming under fire, they came
rushing forward again — with the same result. On our left.
Colonel Alston, Captains Cantrill and Kirkpatrick were
holding their ground against the superior force in their front
which had apparently hesitated to await the attempt to turn
our flank.

200 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Presently a force of several hundred fresh men galloped
up behind the enemy's line which was in front of the rock
fence, and swung around to our right. We had no force to
oppose this flanking charge. At the same time the enemy,
with an overwhelming force, moved forward all along the
line. I observed that Giltner's line was broken away to the
left, and the enemy was charging with yells. It was now a
race for our men to reach their horses ahead of the enemy.
Many of the horses were turned loose by the horse-holders,
who were determined to escape. From this moment there
was a stampede of the entire command. Lieutenant Bar-
bour, Major Gassett, of General Morgan's staff, and I were
the last to cross the bridge over the Licking River on the
Leesburg pike. The Federals then took possession of it and
stopped to take prisoners as our men came up.

We went about two hundred yards up the pike and then
halted to see if we were pursued. We saw half a dozen of
our men plunge into the stream one hundred yards from the
bridge, when the Federals opened fire on them as they swam
across. We recognized Colonel Martin and Captain Christy
in the squad. Several Federals galloped from the bridge
to capture them as they came out. Martin was off his horse
as it came up the bank, but was trying to mount and suc-
ceeded. He then led the squad, and opening fire on the
enemy, who seemed to be waiting for a surrender, charged
through, scattering them; but a reinforcement from the
bridge turned Martin's party up the river. We saw they
could not get with us, so we galloped away to get a good
start. We only went along the pike to the first woods on
the left and turned off, making our way some fifteen miles
through the country before we camped.

We made the journey safely through the mountains to
Abingdon, Virginia. Within a day or two Colonel Martin
and Lieutenant Andrews arrived. Many others arrived
singly or in crowds under some officer, and finally General
Morgan with a large number of the command reached
Abingdon.

CHAPTER XXI

Morgan reestablishes headquarters at Abingdon — Reorganizing
his command — Officers recuperate — Richmond authorities
aroused against Morgan — Skirmish of Major Cantrill with
scouts — Detached by Secretary of War.

The result of the expedition of General Morgan into Ken-
tucky was unfortunate in its effect at Richmond, more than
in the losses the command had suffered. Although the
troops came in fragments, except the considerable force with
General Morgan, it seemed that nearly all the command, ex-
cept the killed and wounded, finally reached Abingdon and
really better equipped than when they started on the raid.
All were well mounted and armed.

Colonel Martin's wounded foot had not fully healed and
he was practically off duty. A number of us who belonged
to his staff while he commanded a brigade were now out of a
job. Martin proposed that we go down toward Bristol and
recuperate our horses. Lieutenant Barbour and I joined
him and we arranged for board with Mr. Thomas near Bris-
tol, who was a prosperous farmer. Within a few days we
were joined by Lieut.-Col. Robert A. Alston, of South Car-
olina, and Adjutant Andrews. Alston had been adjutant-
general on the staff of General Morgan and had commanded
a battalion on the Kentucky raid.

At this time most of the command had reached Virginia
and General Morgan immediately began its reorganization.
A battalion was put in camp near our location under com-
mand of Maj. James E. Cantrill.

General Morgan had reestablished his headquarters, how-
ever, at Abingdon and that was the chief rendezvous of the
command.

202 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It was now common talk that the authorities at Richmond
had broken out afresh against General Morgan, it being
claimed that he had not asked or received permission to make
the raid into Kentucky. We had been expecting this turn
of affairs, although none could understand why the Govern-
ment should ever be in readiness to handicap General Mor-
gan as had been done with Forrest. They had both recruited
more soldiers, had killed, wounded, and captured more of the
forces, and captured and destroyed more of the stores, arms,
equipments, and railroad bridges of the enemy since the war
began than any other brigadier or major-general in the South-
ern army. They had displayed as much practical military
capacity and rendered more effective service. And yet there
seemed to be an insatiable determination to subordinate and
restrain their untiring endeavors to aid the Southern cause.
The unwillingness to trust them apparently appeared to be
caused by the fact that neither was a graduate of West Point.
The same spirit no doubt had promoted and upheld General
Wheeler, who had never recruited a regiment or won a bat-
tle, but on the contrary had made a worse blunder, in attack-
ing Fort Donelson, in January, 1863, where he was defeated,
than could be charged against Forrest or Morgan. There
was no record that General Wheeler had ever. won a battle.
All the soldiers, however, believed General Wheeler to be
a true soldier and a good fighter, but could find no reason
for giving him the forces of other commanders. He was
but little over twenty-five years of age and the soldiers
thought he ought first to recruit a regiment and learn some-
thing of practical warfare before becoming a lieutenant-
general. Still, there was no disposition to reflect upon him
for accepting all the distinction in the Confederacy for that
matter, but the strange partiality was spoken of as the "lone
love" of General Bragg.

It was well known that General Bragg, after the Mis-
sionary Ridge disaster, had been taken to Richmond and
made chief military adviser to President Davis. It was also
remembered that Bragg and Wheeler had reflected on Gen-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 203

eral Morgan for going into Indiana and Ohio. It was pretty
generally understood among the soldiers that Morgan did
use his own discretion after he got to Kentucky and learned
that Bragg had begun his retreat to Chattanooga on the 30th
of June. While the soldiers were ignorant at the time of the
position that would be taken by Bragg and Wheeler with
reference to General Morgan's failure to return and help
Bragg on his retreat, it was believed that the opportunity to
strike him a lick would not be lost. For it had been seen
that Bragg would hold on over his own army, at TuUihoma,
when even his generals of the highest rank and character
had told him in writing that he ought to give up the com-
mand. It was equally clear that Bragg and Wheeler were
determined to dominate Morgan and Forrest when it was
notorious that neither was satisfied to serve under Wheeler.
And equally notorious that the troops of both had volun-
teered to fight under Forrest and Morgan and did not want
to follow Wheeler.

Over four months after Morgan started on the Ohio raid,
and while he was confined as a felon in the Ohio Penitentiary,
General Wheeler made an official report to Bragg's adjutant-
general on the subject of General Morgan's orders given him
at the time the raid into Kentucky was authorized. The
report is as follows:

Headquarters Cavalry Corps,

Cleveland, Tenn., November 7, 1863.
Colonel: I have the honor, in obedience to your instruc-
tions, to state that, about June 13 last, I received a despatch
from Brigadier-General Morgan, stating that the enemy at
Louisville, Ky., were but 300 strong, and asking permission to
march upon said place, and take and destroy the public works,
etc. I immediately presented the matter to the general com-
manding this army, who had also learned from other sources of
the small garrison at Louisville, and he directed me to send the
following order to General Morgan, viz :

"Headquarters Cavalry Corps,

"Shelbyville, Tenn., June 14, 1863.
"General : Your despatch was received last night, and the
facts communicated to General Bragg, and I visited him to-day

204 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

on the subject. He directs that you proceed to Kentucky with
a sufficient number of regiments to make up 1,500 men, and that
you use your own discretion regarding the amount of artillery
you take. He directs that you take Kentucky troops and those
which will be most likely to get recruits. The remainder of
your command will be left under the command of the senior
officer. Should you hear that the enemy is advancing for a
general engagement, General Bragg wishes you to turn rapidly
and fall upon his rear.

"I regret exceedingly the circumstances which render it
impossible for General Bragg to detach your entire division, but
the probability of an advance upon the part of the enemy makes
it necessary for him to retain enough force to enable him to hold
his position should a general engagement take place, and he
hopes, since the enemy's forces in Kentucky are so reduced, you
may be able to accomplish much good with the proposed detach-
ment. General Bragg wishes the movement to take place as
soon as possible.

"With great respect,

"Your obedient servant,

"Joseph Wheeler,

"Major-General.
"Gen. John H. Morgan,

"Commanding Cavalry Division."

This was sent, and its receipt acknowledged by General
Morgan, with the request that he might take 2,060 men, stating
that with these he could accomplish everything which he had
proposed, viz., the capture of Louisville, Ky. General Bragg
acceded to this request, and I sent the following order to General
Morgan :

"Special Orders, )
No. 44. j

"Headquarters Cavalry Corps,

"Near Shelbyville, June 18, 1863.
"i. General Morgan will proceed to Kentucky with a force
of 2,000 officers and men, including such artillery as he may
deem most expedient. In addition to accomplishing the work
which he has proposed, he will, as far as possible, break up and
destroy the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. He will, if

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 205

practicable, destroy depots of supplies in the State of Kentucky,
after which he will return to his present position.

"By order of Major-General Wheeler.

"E. S. BURFORD^

"Assistant Adjutant-General."

Prior to General Morgan's departure, I wrote him one or two
letters, in which I urged his rapid movements, stating that I
hoped his movements would be so rapid that he would be on
his return to our army before General Rosecrans could be certain
he had left Kentucky. The retained copies of these letters were
unfortunately mislaid. In these letters to General Morgan and
General Morgan's letters to me, not one word was said about
his crossing the Ohio River ; but, on the contrary, he was urged
by me to observe the importance of his returning to our army as
rapidly as possible. I make this point apparent, as it is one to
which my attention was particularly called.

I am, Colonel, very respectfully.

Your obedient servant,

Joseph Wheeler,

Major-General.
Col. George William Brent,

Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of Tennessee.

It might be fair to observe that a great deal of stress is
laid upon the point that General Morgan was charged to go
to Kentucky and return, with instructions in advance to fall
upon the rear of Rosecrans if that general should advance,
which he was expected to do, and thereby assist General
Bragg in retiring his army to Chattanooga, which he ex-
pected to do.

Unfortunately for this plea of General Wheeler, Bragg be-
gan his retreat on June 30th and Morgan did not get his
command across the Cumberland River until the 26. of July.
Besides this, it does not appear that Bragg needed Morgan.
He had over 10,000 cavalry after the departure of Morgan's
force and there seems to be no record that any of it fell on
the rear of Rosecrans. General Forrest was ordered to
reconnoiter in force at Triune from Duck River. He went

206 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

there and skirmished in the village with the enemy until con-
fronted by an infantry force, when he retired and, being cut
off from the bridge at Shelbyville, made a circuit and reached
Bragg at Tullahoma. There seemed to be a sufficient force
of cavalry under General Wheeler and it was not apparent
that General Bragg's army could have retired across the
mountains in better order if Morgan had been in the column.
If Morgan had im.mediately turned back from Columbia or
Lebanon he could have done nothing but find his way across
the mountains into East Tennessee in search of Bragg and
Wheeler. It therefore appeared to most persons that Mor-
gan had missed nothing by his Ohio raid except his own
calculation that there would not be a big rise in the Ohio
River the last week in July, when he expected to reach Buf-
fington Island.

The presence now of General Bragg at Richmond as chief
military adviser of the authorities accounted for the sudden
condemnation of General Morgan and the indignation of the
Secretary of War over this last raid to Kentucky, which
was soon manifested with spirit, and with the unceremonious
ill treatment of General Morgan.

The arduous labors of reorganizing his troops, which were
continually arriving in squads from Kentucky, so engrossed
the time and attention of General Morgan that his friends
contended that he should give little heed to the clamor of this
unfriendly manifestation at Richmond.

Capt. John L. San ford, who was adjutant-general on the
staff of General Morgan, in a letter to Gen. Basil W. Duke
says:

I remember, too, my visit to Richmond during the month of
August, 1864, on which occasion, at the General's request, I
called upon the Secretary of War to lay before him some papers
entrusted to my care, and also to make some verbal explanations
regarding them. The excited, I may say the exasperated,
manner in which the Honorable Secretary commented upon the
documents, left but one impression upon my mind, and that was,
that the War Department had made up its mind that the party

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 207

was guilty and that its conviction should not be offended by any
evidence to the contrary. The determination to pursue and
break the General down was apparent to every one, and the
Kentucky expedition was to be the means to accomplish this end
(the reasons for a great deal of this enmity are, of course,
familiar to you). I endeavored to explain to Mr. Seddon the
injustice of the charge that General Morgan had made his
expedition without proper authority (I felt this particularly to
be my duty, as I was the only person then living who could bear
witness upon this point), but being unable to obtain a quiet
hearing, I left his office disappointed and disgusted.

Senator Benjamin H. Hill of Georgia, in 1878, writing
of the campaign of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston in front of
Atlanta, shows that President Davis authorized General
Morgan's expedition to Kentucky. He says :

On Wednesday or Thursday, I think the 28th or 29th of June,
1864, a messenger came to my house, sent, as he said, by General
Johnston, Senator Wigfall of Texas, and Governor Brown of
Georgia.

The purpose of his mission, as he explained, was to persuade
me to write a letter to President Davis urging him to order
either Morgan or Forrest with five thousand men into Sherman's
rear, etc. * * *

The result of this interview was a determination on my part
to go at once to see General Johnston, and place myself at his
service. I reached his headquarters near Marietta, on the line
of the Kenesaw, on Friday morning, which was the last day of
June or the first day of July. We had a full and free interview,
and I placed myself unreservedly at his disposal.

He explained at length that he could not attack General
Sherman's army in their entrenchments, nor could he prevent
Sherman from ditching round his (Johnston's) flank and
compelling his retreat.

The only method of arresting Sherman's advance was to send
a force into his rear, cut off his supplies, and thus compel
Sherman either to give battle on his (Johnston's) terms or
retreat. In either case he thought he could defeat Sherman,
and probably destroy his army.

I said to him, "As you do not propose to attack General
Sherman in his entrenchments, could you not spare a sufficient
number of your present army, under Wheeler or some other, to
accomplish this work ?"

208 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

He said he could not — that he needed all the force he had in
front. He then said that General Morgan was at Abingdon,
Virginia, with five thousand cavalry, and, if the President would
so order, this force could be sent into Sherman's rear at once.

He also said that Stephen D. Lee had sixteen thousand men
under him in Mississippi, including the troops under Forrest
and Roddey, and that, if Morgan could not be sent, five thousand
of those under Forrest could do the work. Either Morgan or
Forrest, with five thousand men, could compel Sherman to fight
at a disadvantage or retreat, and there was no reason why cither
should not be sent if the President should give the order.

^ 51? * * * * *

I was delayed en route somewhat, and reached Richmond on
Sunday morning week, which I think was the 9th day of July.
I went to the hotel, and in a few moments was at the Executive
Mansion.

This interview with Mr. Davis I can never forget.

I laid before him carefully, and in detail, all the facts elicited
in the conversation with General Johnston, and explained fully
the purpose of my mission. When I had gone through, the
President took up the facts, one by one, and fully explained the
situation. I remember very distinctly many of the facts, for the
manner as well as matter stated by Mr. Davis was impressive.
''Long ago," said the President, "I ordered Morgan to make this
movement upon Sherman's rear, and suggested that his best plan
was to go directly from Abingdon through East Tennessee.
But Morgan insisted that, if he were permitted to go through
Kentucky and around Nashville, he could greatly recruit his
horses and his men by volunteers. / yielded, and allozved him
to have his own way. He undertook it, but was defeated, and
has returned back, and is now at Abingdon with only eighteen
hundred men, very much demoralized, and badly provided with
horses."

There was a surplus of officers and several of the best in
Morgan's division were without a command. We learned
that Gen. Adam R. Johnson, who had been detached by the
Secretary of War to operate in western Kentucky, would
not again return to the division until he could recruit another
command, or his old brigade should be exchanged.

Colonel Martin met a Mr. Frank Phipps, who lived down
in the bend of the Holston River on a splendid farm, and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 209

who invited him to bring us and make a visit where we could
fatten our horses. All went except Colonel Alston. Mr.
Phipps was at home alone, his family being away at some
mineral springs in the mountains. We found a luxurious
home with Mr. Phipps, and remained until his family re-
turned and then moved to the house of an uncle of his, nearer
Rogersville, Tennessee. Meanwhile, we had gone with
Frank Phipps by invitation to dine with his sister, Mrs.
Bynam, who was a widow, in the suburbs of Rogersville.
She was one of the handsomest ladies, and hers one of the
most elegant homes, in Tennessee. She had furnished her
house with splendor — all that wealth could supply. She
afterwards married Capt. Harry Clay, of Morgan's com-
mand.

A short while after we located with the elder Phipps, the
battalion from Bristol with Major Cantrill in command
arrived and camped about two or three miles from Rogers-
ville. Colonel Martin and Lieutenant Andrews received
orders to report to General Morgan at Bristol. Lieutenant
Barbour and I were ordered by Major Cantrill to report to
him. He assigned me to the command of a company of 28
men. Lieutenant Barbour was assigned to another company
with more men but under a captain.

It appeared that General Morgan was moving all his
troops in this direction on account of an advance of the Fed-
erals from Knoxville. Within a week after I went into
camp here a Federal command of cavalry appeared in
Rogersville early one morning and created a sensation,
several of our men making narrow escapes from the town.

Major Cantrill promptly moved with his battalion to meet
the enemy. We came upon them in the suburbs of the town.
Our column was then in a long lane. It was formed across
the lane through gaps in the fence on either side. I was in
the field with my company on the right-hand side. As soon
as Major Cantrill started his skirmishers forward, the enemy,
about one hundred and fifty yards distant lying behind a
fence, fired once or twice along their line without doing us

210 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

any damage. Cantrill then moved his line forward, when we
discovered the enemy had fled. We occupied the town for
a while, learning that the enemy's force consisted of about
one hundred cavalry on a scout. Major Cantrill then
returned to camp.

The next day Major Cantrill sent for me to come to his
headquarters, and showed me an order from General Mor-
gan directing me to report to Colonel Martin at Bristol. I
started without delay and reached there the next day in the
forenoon. Bristol had one very wide main street running
east and west. The line of Virginia and Tennessee was in
the center of this street. I entered at the west end and found
a great many soldiers mounted and forming in this street.
In the center of the town I came upon General Morgan,
mounted. After a greeting he told me Colonel Martin was
at the hotel, to which he pointed. He then bade me good-
by, saying he was just leaving for Tennessee and that I was
going to leave his command, but I was yet ignorant of the
fact and wondered what had happened.

Colonel Martin informed me he had been to Richmond,
having gone from Abingdon, with Hon. Henry C. Burnett,
our old Congressman when the war commenced and now
one of the Confederate States Senators from Kentucky.
"" After a conference with Secretary of War James A. Sed-
don, and then with President Davis, Colonel Martin was
detailed, and at his request I was also detailed, to report to
Colonel Jacob Thompson in Toronto, Canada, for service
under his orders along the northern borders of the United
States.

He brought a letter, written by the Secretary of State,
Judah P. Benjamin, to Colonel Thompson, introducing us
and cautiously stating our mission.

CHAPTER XXII

Departure for Canada — Death of General Morgan — Forrest in
Mississippi — ^Journey from Corinth to Toronto.

This appointment for special duty in Canada, as we under-
stood the mission, would end our service in the South. Still,
we only knew that we would be expected to engage, with
other young officers, in expeditions and in heading forces in
the event of a prospective uprising of our friends in the
Northern States. It was of course a perilous journey to Can-
ada, as we must travel in citizen's clothes to go through the
United States and our letter from Mr. Benjamin to Colonel
Thompson must be concealed. Our capture meant death.
It was therefore decided that we would go as far west as con-
venient, in the Confederacy, and turn north beyond the range
of our acquaintances in the Federal army. Colonel Martin
had about seventy and I about one hundred and twenty dol-
lars in greenbacks, which we agreed to advance for expenses,
the amount to be repaid by Colonel Thompson.

We rode to Abingdon to sell our horses but could only get
Confederate money. We sold the two horses for seventeen
hundred dollars. This was the first of September.

The Secretary of War had issued to each of us a pass
through our lines and to go anywhere in the Confederacy.
We stopped over one night in Lynchburg and then went by
rail without delay to Augusta, Georgia, where we were
obliged to wait over an afternoon and night. Here at the
hotel we met our friend Senator Burnett, from Kentucky,
who had been away from Richmond several days. While
we sat out in front of the hotel talking about the prospects for
the Confederacy he received a telegram from the Secretary,
of War announcing the death of Gen. John H. Morgan, at
Greeneville, Tennessee.

212 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

At Meridian, Mississippi, we found General Forrest start-
ing up the railroad. He had about completed the organiza-
tion of his command, which he told us was moving or
stationed all along the Mobile and Ohio Railroad up to
Corinth.

Forrest, in recalling to Martin the order of Bragg taking
the horses of Morgan's 200 men that Martin commanded at
Chickamauga, said, "I lost my division by taking the part
of your men, but when Bragg doubled the dose on me I went
to his headquarters and gave him h — 1 and told him he could
go there."

When we told him our mission and showed him our papers
he said, "Now look here. Colonel, you can't go ahead of my
men. I'm going to do something up yonder but I've got to
break the ice myself. I can't risk any mortal man to go up
there from here. You have got to stay along here till we get
to Corinth."

We went up to Columbus and stopped until most of For-
rest's command had gone forward to Corinth. We went
along on the train as he did and stopped at Corinth one night.
When we left Forrest at Corinth, he told us that he was
going to Middle Tennessee to attack Sherman's communi-
cations.

We walked five miles to the house of a good farmer, where
we bought an ordinary horse and mule. Here I bought an
old-fashioned black coat, with long waist, short skirt and
broad collar. Martin got a pair of trousers that were a little
too short, and a linen duster.

There were at this time no Federal garrisons in West Ten-
nessee, and we passed through Jackson and Trenton, stopping
at a farm-house three miles before reaching Troy, where
the road turns squarely to the right tov/ard Troy. Here we
left with the family a lot of trinkets, our passes, and such
things as might identify us as Confederates.

There were Federal garrisons at Hickman, Columbus, and
Paducah. We wanted to reach St. Louis. Traveling toward
Hickman we stopped at ten o'clock in the night within four

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 213

miles of the town. Our friend waked us an hour before day
and at sunrise we were on the bank of the Mississippi, two
miles below Hickman. The distance was two miles to the
point where we landed on the Missouri side. The horse and
mule panted like lizards when they came out of the water.
We were directed to the house of .an old bachelor, named
Miller, on the road to Charleston. This was the Sabbath
day and when we reached Miller's place he had gone up the
road to church. The congregation was dispersing as we
came up and we rode along with the crowd toward Charles-
ton. We met Mr. Frank Miller and stopped at his home for
dinner. We stayed here until night. Mr. Miller did not need
our animals but gave us a hundred and twenty dollars for
the outfit.

There was a garrison of the enemy in Charleston eight
miles distant. We walked eighteen miles that night to
Price's woodyard on the Mississippi River above Cairo,
Illinois. It was kept by Captain Price, a large land owner,
who had been discharged from the Confederate Army on
account of wounds. We were fagged out when we arrived
at his place on the bank of the river. He let us sleep until
ten o'clock in the forenoon, when a steamer, coming up,
whistled for his landing. It stopped for two hours to wood.
We observed that it was loaded with infantry, even all over
the roof. We went aboard with our bundles and one com-
mon carpetbag or satchel. The cabin was full of soldiers.
We arranged with the clerk for a stateroom to St. Louis and
paid our passage. We strolled around looking at the boat.
I bought a cigar at the bar and smoked. Several soldiers
were drinking at the time and I engaged one in conversation,
a gentlemanly sergeant. I learned that Gen. Sterling Price
was marching on St. Louis with a large army and the city
was in danger of capture. These troops were being for-
warded to reinforce the army at St. Louis. I winked at
Martin and presently he straggled around and said to me
that he was a little "dry." He took in the party, three
soldiers, and we all had toddies. We did not notice any of

214 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

the officers. We concluded it was best to not patronize the
barber shop though we needed a hair-cut and shave. It was
not long before I got into a game of euchre with the sergeant
and two others. After dinner Martin and another soldier
proposed to play against us for five cents a corner. We
carried on this game until the next afternoon, when we
reached St. Louis. Martin and I purposely managed to pay
the expenses.

Soon after we reached a hotel in St. Louis we happened
to discover a friend. Martial law had been declared, busi-
ness houses all closed, and details were pressing every able-
bodied citizen, without regard to politics, into the ranks to
defend the city. Our friend found a retail merchant who
kept clothing and furni:3hing goods. He slipped us in at
his back door. We had treated ourselves to bath, hair-cut
and shave at the hotel. Now we got a complete wardrobe,
that is, all we could wear ; and carried no baggage. A hack
was secured and we drove from this store in time to reach
the transfer steamer for Alton, Illinois, ten miles up the river,
where we caught the train for Chicago. We arrived the
next morning and spent the day looking at the city. At night
we took a train on the Michigan Central Railroad and
reached Detroit, Michigan, next morning, and crossed over
safely to Windsor, Canada. After breakfast we boarded
the train for Toronto.

The Queen's Hotel where we stopped fronted on Toronto
Bay. It may be said that we found Confederate headquarters
here at this hotel. Colonel Jacob Thompson, and secretary,
Walter W. Cleary, occupied a suite of rooms.

Among the first Kentuckians we met were Dr. Stuart Rob-
inson, the famous Presbyterian minister from Louisville ; Dr.
JLuke P. Blackburn, Mrs. W. C. P. Breckinridge, with her
children, her sister Miss Mollie Desha, and Miss Maria Hunt
of Lexington.

^' Within a few days we had met, perhaps, a hundred Con-
federates and prominent citizens of Kentucky, Missouri,
tWest Virginia, and Maryland, who were refugees.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 215

Colonel Thompson cautioned us on our arrival against any
stranger who might claim an acquaintance, etc., as a swarm
of detectives from the United States, male and female, were
quartered in Toronto.

An intelligent gentleman, Larry McDonald, from New
York, was one of Colonel Thompson's closest friends, and
also a gentleman from Little Rock, Arkansas, Mr. G. J.
Hyams, who had escaped from prison and was reputed to
be wealthy. These were especially commended by Colonel
Thompson.

It was deemed a wise precaution that Martin and I should
separate and secure boarding-houses, where we would only
be known as escaped prisoners, and not frequent the Queen's
Hotel, in order that our connection with Colonel Thomp-
son would not be especially noted by the detectives in the
employ of the Washington authorities. And that our associa-
tion with other prominent Confederate officers should only
be casual in public. We cultivated the acquaintance of
refugee citizens and the Canadians.

Colonel Martin secured a room at the boarding-house of
Mr. Withers, from Covington, Kentucky, a brother of Maj.
Al Withers of General Morgan's staff. Dr. Stuart Robin-
son and Dr. Luke P. Blackburn boarded here. I boarded
with Mr. Inglis, a Canadian. In a few days Capt. Thomas
H. Hines took the room adjoining mine. And about the
same time Mrs. J. Russ Butler and her children arrived. Her
husband. Col. J. Russ Butler, was then the commander of the
First Kentucky Cavalry. He had escaped from prison and
his family joined him here. I spent the time in reading, and
playing chess with Mrs. Butler.

After Captain Hines had been here a few days he left, and,
being absent about two days, returned with his bride. He
had been to Cincinnati, where his sweetheart. Miss Sprowle,
from Woodbury, on Green River, Kentucky, had met him
by agreement and they were married.

I met a young Confederate soldier, Charles C. Hemming,
from Jacksonville, Florida, who was an expert oarsman. He

216 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

had escaped from prison and had managed to reach Toronto.
He had enlisted in the select forces of Colonel Thompson.
I enjoyed a skiff ride with him as he did all the pulling. The
city presented a grand front when viewed from a distance
out_in the bay.

i There was everything in the prospect at Toronto to make
a sojourn enjoyable. The leading newspapers of Canada
were published here and the South got a friendly comment
on the course of events. All the news of the war and from
the front of the armies was published daily. We also re-
ceived the New York, Chicago, Buffalo and Detroit papers.

CHAPTER XXIII

Capt. Thomas H. Hines — Purposes of mission to Canada — Col.
Jacob Thompson's mission — Coalition with leaders of Sons of
Liberty — Concentration at Democratic National Convention
in Chicago — Fruitless endeavor to release Confederate
prisoners at Camp Douglas and Springfield.

Capt. Thomas H. Hines related to me much of the experi-
ence of himself, Capt. John B. Castleman, Lieut. George B.
Eastin, Lieut. Bennett H. Young and others, and Col. Vin-
cent Marmaduke of Missouri, on an expedition to Chicago in
August. He also described the organization, character and
purposes of the order known as Sons of Liberty who had
cooperated with the Confederates in the plans to liberate the
Confederate prisoners confined at Camp Douglas and Spring-
field, Illinois.

Thomas Henry Hines was a native of Woodbury, a village
on Green River, in Warren County, Kentucky, some twenty
miles below Bowling Green. He enlisted in Capt. John H.
Morgan's squadron of cavalry at the time when Gen. Albert
Sidney Johnston commanded at Bowling Green. In personal
appearance Hines was effeminate, though above the medium
height, with blue eyes and black hair. Though not formed
for strength, he was athletic and capable of endurance. In
manners he was captivating, though modest and unassuming.
He was endowed with varied talents and unflinching courage.
I judged him to be about twenty- four years old. Before his
escape with General Morgan from the Ohio penitentiary,
which gave him wide fame, he was noted in Morgan's
cavalry as one of the many daring young officers of that
romantic command. His exploits recorded in Duke's His-
tory of Morgan's Cavalry are too numerous to be recorded
here.

218 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

f Captain Hines was the first Confederate officer to be

I selected by President Davis for the service along the north-

[ ern borders of the United States for the release of prisoners,

and started from Richmond soon after the death of Colonel

Dahlgren, whose daring attempt against that city had ended

in disaster in the first days of March, 1864.

It is deemed more appropriate that the purposes of his mis-
sion and his efforts should be given as related by himself in
the Southern Bivouac, as follows :

In March, 1864, Mr. Davis determined to send into Northern
territory some Confederate officers who should especially under-
I take to effect the release of Confederate prisoners. He selected
for that purpose Capt. T. H. Hines, of the Ninth Kentucky
Cavalry, C. S. A. (Morgan's division). Other Confederates,
both of the army and navy, were afterwards detailed for similar
service. Hines was given authority to collect and organize, for
the accomplishment of his mission, all of the Confederate
soldiers then in Canada, most of whom were themselves escaped
prisoners. He was to be in active command of any force so
created, but was subsequently ordered to report to and receive
general instructions from the commissioners, whose appointment
has already been mentioned, and who reached Canada in May.

Captain Hines had escaped with General Morgan from the
Ohio penitentiary. Mr. Davis's attention was attracted to him
by this circumstance, which perhaps contributed to suggest the
idea of a general release of prisoners. After a conference, in
which the situation was fully discussed, and the character of the
attempt desired thoroughly explained, the following order was
given Hines, in accordance with Mr. Davis's directions, by the
Secretary of War :

"Confederate States of America,
"War Department_,
"Richmond, Va.^ March 16, 1864.
"Capt. T. H. Hines.

"Sir: You are detailed for special service to proceed to
Canada, passing through the United States under such character
and in such mode as you may deem most safe, for the purpose of
collecting there the men of General Morgan's command who
may have escaped, and others of the citizens of the Confederate

Thomas H. Hines
1864

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 219

States willing to return and enter the military service of the
Confederacy, and arranging for their return either through the
United States or by sea.

"You will place yourself, on arrival, in communication with
Hon. J. P. Holcomb, who has been sent as special commissioner
to the British Provinces, and in his instructions directed to
facilitate the passage of such men to the Confederacy. In
passing through the United States you will confer with the
leading persons friendly or attached to the cause of the Con-
federacy, or who may be advocates of peace, and do all in your
power to induce our friends to organize and prepare themselves
to render such aid as circumstances may allow ; and to encourage
and animate those favorable to a peaceful adjustment to the
employment of all agencies calculated to effect such consumma-
tion on terms consistent always with the independence of the
Confederate States. /You will likewise have in view the possi-
bility, by such means as you can command, of effecting any fair
and appropriate enterprises of war against our enemies, and will
be at liberty to employ such of our soldiers as you may collect,
in any hostile operation offering, that may be consistent with the
strict observance of neutral obligations incumbent in the British
Provinces,

"Reliance is felt in your discretion and sagacity to understand
and carry out, as contingencies may dictate, the details of the
general design thus communicated. More specific instructions
in anticipation of events that may occur under your observation
cannot well be given. You will receive a letter to General Polk
in which I request his aid in the transmission of cotton, so as to
provide funds for the enterprise, and an order has been given to
Colonel Bayne, with whom you will confer, to have two hundred
bales of cotton purchased in North Mississippi and placed under
your direction for this purpose.

"Should the agencies you may employ for transmitting that
be unsuccessful, the same means will be adopted of giving you
larger credit and you are advised to report to Colonel Bayne,
before leaving the lines of the Confederacy, what success has
attended your efforts for such transmission.
"Respectfully,

"(Signed.) 'James A. Seddon,

"Secretary of War."

Instructions were also forwarded to Lieut.-Gen. Leonidas
Polk, as follows :

220 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

"Confederate States of America,
"War Department,
"Richmond, Va., March i6, 1864.
"Lieut.-Gen. L. Polk, Commander, etc.

"General: I shall have occasion to send Capt. T. Henry
Hines, an enterprising officer, late of General Morgan's com-
mand, who was so efficient in aiding in the escape of that general
and others from the Ohio penitentiary, on special service through
the lines of the enemy. To provide him with funds for the
accomplishment of the purpose designed, it will be necessary
that I shall have transferred to Memphis some two hundred
(200) bales of cotton, which I have ordered an officer of the
bureau to have purchased at some convenient point in North
Mississippi.

"Captain Hines will himself arrange the agencies by which
the cotton can be transferred and disposed of, so as to place
funds at command in Memphis, and I have to request that
facilities, in the way of transportation and permission to pass
the lines, may, as far as needful, be granted him and the agent
he may select. You will please give appropriate instructions to
effect these ends to the officers in command on the border.
"Very respectfully,
"(Signed.) James A. Seddon,

"Secretary of War."

In pursuance of these instructions Captain Hines immediately
proceeded to Canada, making his way through the United States.

The Commissioners appointed by Mr. Davis were Messrs.
Clay of Alabama, Holcomb of Virginia, and Thompson of
Mississippi.

The following letter was sent Mr. Thompson, requesting his
immediate departure upon the mission for which he was
selected :

"Richmond, Va., April 27, 1864.
"Hon. Jacob Thompson.

"Sir: Confiding special trust in your zeal, discretion and
patriotism, I hereby direct you to proceed at once to Canada;
there to carry out the instructions you have received from me
verbally, in such manner as shall seem most likely to conduce

John B. Castleman
1864

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 221

to the furtherance of the interests of the Confederate States of
America which have been intrusted to you.

"Very respectfully and truly yours,
"(Signed.) Jefferson Davis.-"

Messrs. Thompson and Clay, with Mr. W. W. Cleary, of
Kentucky, who was appointed secretary of the Commission, left
Richmond on the 3d of May for Wilmington, and sailed from
Wilmington on the 6th, running the gauntlet of armed United
States cruisers stationed at and near the mouth of the harbor.

In pursuance of this necessity of making the authority of the
commission absolute in all matters pertaining to Confederate
interests in Canada, or operations to be directed thence, a
necessity foreseen even before Mr. Thompson sailed from
Wilmington, the following order, directed to Captain Hines,
who had then taken his departure, was issued. It will be seen
to what extent it modified the one previously given him of
March i6th.

"Confederate States of America,
"War Department,
"Richmond, Va., May 27, 1864.

"Capt. T. Henry Hines, of the Army of the Confederate
States, will report to and confer with Hon, Jacob Thompson,
Special Commissioner of the Confederate States Government in
Canada, and be guided by his counsel in his proceedings and
action on his present service. He may consider his instructions
from this department subject to modification, change, or revoca-
tion by the said Commissioner, and will take further direction
from him.

"James A. Seddon,

"Secretary of War."'

Mr. Thompson established his headquarters at Montreal on
the 30th of May, 1864, and opened an account with the Bank
of Ontario in that city. Before resorting to other and more
extreme measiires, he endeavored to carry out Mr. Davis's
primary idea of negotiating "with such persons in the North as
might be relied on to aid the attainment of peace." He sought,
therefore, to secure conferences, not only with influential men
representing the peace party in the Northern and Eastern States,
but also with leading public men who were identified with the
political party in power, and might be supposed to reflect the
views of Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet.

222 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Soon as it was definitely ascertained that it was impracticable
to open negotiations looking to the cessation of hostilities and
truce in any form between the contending sections, the Commis-
sioners prepared to utilize the feeling existing in the Western
and border States, inimical to the Administration, and to
organize it for active and practical opposition to the further
prosecution of the war. On the 9th of June Captain Hines had^
been sent to confer with Mr. Clement L. Vallandigham, then at
Windsor, Canada, in order to obtain such information on that
subject as that gentleman could furnish.

On the nth of June Mr. Thompson himself met Mr. Vallan-
digham, and the two thoroughly discussed the existing disaffec-
tion, which had already crystallized into the semi-military organ-
ization popularly known as the "Sons of Liberty." Mr. Vallan-
digham was the Grand Commander of this order, and he repre-
sented that it was in all three hundred thousand strong. There
were eighty-five thousand members, he said, in Illinois, fifty
thousand in Indiana, and forty thousand in Ohio.

As early as January, 1861, Hon. Fernando Wood, then mayor
of New York City, addressed a message to the Common Council,
in which he recommended that New York should secede and
constitute herself a free city, and formulated the idea, then so
prevalent, in very striking terms : ''It may he said that secession
or revolution in any of the United States would be subversive
of all Federal authority, and, so far as the central government
is concerned, the resolving of the community into its original
elements — that, if part of the States form new combinations and
governments, other States may do the same. California and her
sisters of the Pacific will no doubt set up an independent
republic, and husband their own rich mineral resources. The
Western States, equally rich in cereals and other agricultural
products, will probably do the same. Amid the gloom which
the present and prospective condition of things must cast over
the country. New York, as a Free City, may shed the only light
and hope of a future reconstruction of our blessed Confederacy."

Mr. Thompson, of course, and the Confederates acting under
his directions, would have preferred to see the whole tendency
of the movement directed toward the establishment of a separate
confederacy of Northwestern States.

Jacob Thompson
1864

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 223

So far as possible, they encouraged this idea among the
parties who seemed most sensible of the stimulus of personal
ambition.

At this time Mr. Vallandigham introduced to Mr. Thompson
a prominent official of the order who occupied somewhat the
position of its adjutant-general, thoroughly indorsing his relia-
bility and energy. Through this gentleman Mr. Thompson
subsequently arranged for the distribution of funds to be used
in arming and mobilizing the county organizations.

Conferences with very many Northern men who at that
period visited Canada, who were not connected with the order
of the "Sons of Liberty," nor informed in any wise of the pur-
poses of the Commissioners, further developed the fact that there
was a widely spread feeling of fatigue, to use the mildest term,
with the war and those who were profiting by it. A subsequent
investigation of the character and sentiment of the "Sons of
Liberty" confirmed perfectly all that Mr. Vallandigham had
said, and revealed a feverish desire of the general membership
to assert and maintain their rights.

Mr. Lincoln's call, about this time, for five hundred thousand
more men for the army, and the proposed draft to provide them,
intensified the wish to resist a further prosecution of the war,
and seemed to have ripened it into resolve.

Mr. Thompson became thoroughly convinced that the move-
ment could be induced, and that it would be successful. But
there was always the doubt whether men bound together merely
by political affiliations and oaths, behind which there was no real
legal authority, could be handled like an army.

He ***** *

Mr. Vallandigham returned to Ohio about the middle of June.
He made speeches immediately, which seemed intended to invite
his rearrest and the action he had predicted.

In his first speech, after his return, at Hamilton, he almost
declared the existence and purposes of the order. He said :

"But I warn also the men in power that there is a vast multi-
tude, a host whom they cannot number, bound together by the
strongest and holiest ties, to defend, by whatever means the
exigencies of the times shall demand, their natural and consti-
tutional rights as freemen, at all hazards and to the last
extremity."

The 20th of July seemed to have been determined upon as
the date of outspoken declaration of resistance. The inclination

224 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

to prevent the enforcement of the draft pervaded all classes who
would probably be subjected to it, and might unite all such men
in an effort to prevent it.

It was imderstood that a simultaneous movement would be
concerted in Illinois and Indiana, and that in each of those States
the State officers would be practically deposed and provisional
governments organized.

In his first report to Richmond, made in July, Mr. Thompson
said: "Though intending this a Western confederacy and
demanding peace, if peace he not granted, then it shall he war.
There are some choice spirits enlisted in this enterprise, and all
that is needed for success is unflinching nerve. For our part,
it is agreed that Capt. T. Henry Hines shall command at
Chicago, and Capt. John B. Castleman at Rock Island. // a
movement could he made hy our troops into Kentucky and
Missouri, it would greatly facilitate matters in the West. The
organized forces of the Federal Government would thus be
employed, and this would give courage and hope to the North-
western people. The rank and file are weary of the war, but
the violent abolitionists, preachers, contractors, and political
press are clamorous for its continuance. If Lee can hold his
own in front of Richmond, and Johnston defeat Sherman in
Georgia prior to the election, it seems probable that Lincoln will
be defeated. Nothing less, however, can accompUsh this end.
It is not improbable that McClellan will be nominated by the
war Democrats. His recent war speeches have broken him
down with the peace party, but in my opinion no peace candidate
can be elected unless disaster attend the Federal armies in Vir-
ginia and Georgia. In short, nothing hut violence can terminate
the war/'

^ Hi ^ Hs ^ H: ^

^^ On the 22d of July the Commissioners, with Captains Castle-

' man and Hines, met, at St. Catharines, certain delegates from

, this Chicago conference, who reported that it was proposed to

take decided action on the i6th of August, but expressed a fear

that unless there was such movement of the Confederate forces

into Kentucky and Missouri as would occupy the attention of

the Federal military authorities, troops would be immediately

, employed and on hand to suppress any action attempted.

t— ^ Hs ***** *

So it was agreed that another council should be held at
London, Canada, on the 7th of August. When that conference
was held, the representatives of the State and county organiza-
tions present insisted that there should be a further postpone-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 225

ment until the 29th of August, the date of the assembling of the
National Democratic Convention at Chicago. At Chicago they
urged, and on that date, the vast concourse of people drawn
together would be the best cover for their action, and it would
be easy to concentrate a large body of reliable and determined
men in aid of their design, without attracting attention or
suspicion.

2ff ^ ^ 2{C ^ >t^ ^

An earlier date than the 29th had been suggested by Hines
and Castleman, but the point was yielded in deference to a
communication received from the representatives of the "Sons
of Liberty," which clearly indicated that they were beginning
to regard the situation as a very grave one, and to feel
profoundly the responsibility they had incurred. It was as
follows :

"London, C. W., August 8, 1864.
"Hon. Jacob Thompson, Hon. C. C. Clay, T. H. Hines, John

B. Castleman.

"Gentlemen: We have thought on the conclusion of this
morning, and feel constrained to say a few words more. We
told you that we could not approve the plan, and the more we
think of it the more thoroughly are we convinced that it will be
unsuccessful. The time is too short to expect assistance, how-
ever willing we may be to assist. It will require some two days
to travel back to places of residence and make arrangements
about cashing drafts and procure messengers of the right sort
to go into different counties and give notice. This will require
until Thursday to get the ear of our chiefs, which will give only
one day to select and notify men that they are in for a perilous
and uncertain campaign under men who they know but little
about. Of course few will respond to the call made so suddenly
and unexpectedly, and we shall have to depend almost entirely
upon what cooperation we can get from the organization in
Chicago. Under these circumstances we are powerless to
render the needed aid. A movement unsupported by vigorous
cooperation at Indianapolis and Springfield had better not be
undertaken. We are willing to do anything which bids fair to
result in good, but shrink from the responsibility of a movement
made in the way now proposed, and have concluded to frankly
communicate this to you. You underrate the condition of
things in the Northwest. By patience and perseverance in the
work of agitation we are sure of a general uprising which will
result in a glorious success. We must look to bigger results

226 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

than the mere Hberation of prisoners. We should look to the
grand end of adding an empire of Northwestern States. We
leave for Chicago to-night to do our best, but with heavy hearts
and drooping hope for the cause in which we have thrown our
very souls and existence."

In the mean time, enough had been learned to warrant the
belief that, in the event of an organized and resolute North-
western revolt, there was a sentiment in New York and the
neighboring States which would induce a formidable opposition
to the transportation of troops over their territory for the
purpose of coercing their Western sisters. Influential men were
ready to formulate measures to meet such a necessity, and those
who could he trusted were informed by the Commissioners that
they would be willing to render substantial assistance.

The means to purchase arms for those who were committed
to such opposition to coercion were solicited and provided.
A prominent citizen of New York undertook to purchase and
distribute the arms which would be required there. On this
subject the Hon. James P. Holcomb wrote from Montreal as
follows, to Mr. Thompson at Toronto, July 27th :

"Dear Sir: Our friends are here and urge the promptest
measures, as the time is very brief. They have contracted for
five thousand; these will cost thirty thousand in gold. No
payment until they are received. Bills Canada bank on
England, payable to their order, can be cashed, and should be
sent in small denominations at once to New York. The other
party for whom we were anxious has gone home to see others
among the initiated. It is immaterial zvhich of the two has the
fund about which you consulted me. All now depends upon
prompt action."

S|J * * * * * *

In August the garrison was largely increased at Chicago, and
three thousand troops were placed on duty. This led to an
apprehension that the Administration intended to interfere with
the meeting of the Democratic Convention on the 29th of
August, and this fact was used to stimulate the prejudice
throughout the West and justify the assembling of a large body
of men, outspoken in their determination to resist the possible
outrage. There was thus furnished sufficient excuse for the
county commanders of the Order of the Sons of Liberty to
mobilize the members of their organization on the plea that they
should attend the convention, and ought to resist any attempt
to interrupt its deliberations. Mr. Vallandigham's representa-

IN CANADA AND NFW YORK 227

lives were furnished means for transportation, and had ample
time to make proper distribution and explain to the more faithful
and courageous county commanders why the rank and file
should come to Chicago and resist any further attempt on the
liberties of the citizens. These representatives were further
urged to make provision for keeping reasonably in hand the
delegations from the various counties ; but it must be confessed
that events fully justified the belief that some of the principal
agents employed were lacking either in fidelity or courage, or
in both.

In Canada there were less than one hundred Confederate
soldiers, and to the discretion of some of these it was not
altogether safe to trust the success of the enterprise. Sixty
men were chosen for service at Chicago. Many of these men
had escaped from prison under circumstances which illustrated
their daring and fertility of resource. One of them, Lieut.
George B. Eastin, was well known in Morgan's command as the
hero of a desperate hand-to-hand combat with the Federal
Colonel Hallisey, in which the latter was killed.

Lieut. Bennett H. Young had been sent by President Davis
to report to the Commissioners for service on the Lakes.

"Toronto, C. W., August 24, 1864.
"John B. Castleman, Captain C. S. A. :

"By virtue of the authority vested in me, and having confi-
dence in your courage and fidelity, you are hereby appointed to
special service and made responsible with Capt. Thomas H.
Hines for an expedition against the United States prisons in the
Northwestern States, and such other service as you and he have
been verbally instructed about. To you and Capt. T. H. Hines
is left the selection of such Confederate soldiers in Canada as
are probably suited for use in so perilous an undertaking. You
are expected to take with you all those on whose courage and
discretion you are willing to rely.

"Your obedient servant,

Jacob Thompson.""

On the 27th and 28th of August the Confederates detailed for
this important service proceeded to Chicago, traveling in small
parties and assuming the appearance and conduct of men
attracted there by the political interest of the occasion. They

228 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Stopped at places designated in advance, the greater part of
them having been instructed to go to the Richmond House.

Men commended to us by Mr. Vallandigham had been
entrusted with the necessary funds for perfecting the county
organizations; arms had been purchased in the North by the
aid of our professed friends in New York; aUiances offensive
and defensive had been made with peace organizations, and
though we were not misled by the sanguine promises of our
friends, we were confident that with any sort of cooperation on
their part success was reasonably possible. During the excite-
ment that always attends a great political convention, increased
as we supposed it would be by the spirit of opposition to
the Administration, we felt that we would be freer to act
unobserved, and that we could move with promptness and effect
upon Camp Douglas. With nearly live thousand prisoners
there, and over seven thousand at Springfield, joined by the
dissatisfied elements in Chicago and through Illinois, we
believed that at once we would have a formidable force, which
might be the nucleus for much more important movements.
Everything was arranged for prompt action, and for the con-
centration and organization of all these bodies. It was, as we
felt, the first step that was the most difficult and the most serious.
Success was only possible by prompt and concerted action
during the convention. The Confederates were ready. The
men chosen for this work were no mere adventurers ; they had
enlisted in an enterprise where they knew success was doubtful,
and that failure meant probable death; and these men have
since shown by their success in civil life that they were men of
no ordinary capacity. The roster of this little band was made
up on the occasion of the distribution of arms, which had been
obtained by Judge Cleary, and it does not contain the full names
of all. That roster is as follows :

Bennett H. Young, Wood, Price, Doty, Stone, George Young,
B. Steele, G. A. Elsworth, C. M. Swager, George E. Cantrill,
R. F. Smith, J. M. Trigg, H. B. Hibble, W. M. Wordward,
Keller Thomas, Allen M. Kiser, C. E. Wasson, Crumbaugh,
William Cooper, Henry Sampson, M. Huntley, S. Gregg, M.
Major, Denny, Hays, Mock, Squire Tevis, William T. Tevis,
Lackey, Marcus A. Spur, Bruce, B. Magoffin, Jr., Kiester,
Wallace, Daniel, P. M. Hansbrough, Ben M. Anderson,
Webster, Denny, T. H. Hines, McGuire, Theodore Schultz,
Ignatio, Higbee, Hillborn, J. C. Hill, Joseph Elbert, Hunt, Bell,

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 229

John Maughir, Frank O. Anderson, George B. Eastin, John T.
Ashbrook, R. B. Drake, John B. Castleman, Leavel, H. Sea-
bring, J. T. Harrington, Joseph Harrington, John H. Thomas,
W. E. Mumford, J. T. Buttersworth, V. Marmaduke.

The National Democratic Convention met at Chicago,
August 29th.

Arms were ready, and information had been conveyed to the
prisoners of war of our intention. Chicago was thronged with
people from all sections of the country, and among this vast
crowd were many of the county officers of the secret organiza-
tion, on whom we relied for assistance. Most of these present
at our Chicago conference were from Illinois ; men well known
in their own locaHties, whose influence, once they were com-
mitted to our plans by some overt act, would be of vast service.

It was essential to the success of any undertaking for us to
know definitely what armed forces the representatives of Mr.
Vallandigham could provide. For this a meeting of the officers
of the organization was held at the rooms of Hines and Castle-
man at the Richmond House the night before the convention,
August 28, 1864.

The evening of the 29th of August came, but on the part of
the timid timidity became more apparent, and those who were
resolute could not show the strength needed to give confident
hope of success. The reinforcement sent by the Administration
to strengthen the Chicago garrison had been vastly exaggerated,
and seven thousand men was the number rumor brought to the
ear of the Sons of Liberty. Care had been taken to keep
informed as to what troops came to Camp Douglas, but the
statement made by Hines and Castleman, to the effect that only
three thousand were present, did not counteract the effect
produced by the rumor that the Federal forces there numbered
more than double that number. When, therefore, a count was
taken of the number of the Sons of Liberty on whom we could
rely, it seemed worse than folly to attempt to use them. There
were not enough to justify any movement which would commit
the Notthwestern people to open resistance, and not even
enough to secure the release and control the organization of
the prisoners at Camp Douglas as the nucleus of an army which
would give possible relief to the Confederacy.

^ H: ^ H^ ^ ^ H:

The immediate influence of the vast convention assembled was
exactly contrary to what had been expected.

230 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

With this state of things existing, it could not be safe or wise
for the Confederates to Hnger in Chicago after the disappear-
ance of the great throng which had assembled ; it was necessary,
therefore, to look beyond Chicago for a field of action. Captains
Hines and Castleman accordingly proposed to the officers of
the Sons of Liberty to furnish a detail of five hundred North-
western men, to be accompanied and controlled by their own
officers, and it was proposed with this aid to liberate the pris-
oners confined at Rock Island, and take possession both of that
town and of Springfield. The two Confederate officers named
had agreed that Castleman should take charge of these forces,
and on the following evening assume quiet possession of the
passenger train which left Chicago at nine o'clock for Rock
Island, running through on schedule time, and cutting the wires
with the hope of surprising and capturing that town. The
garrison there had been weakened to protect Chicago, and Rock
Island seemed an easy conquest.

Hines and Castleman had agreed that if the detail was fur-
nished, some ten chosen Confederates should accompany the
latter to Rock Island, where, if the prisoners were released,
regiments shc^ild be hastily organized and equipped and thrown
across to Springfield. Hines, with the remaining Confederates,
about fifty, was to organize them into ten squads, mount them,
cut the wires, destroy the bridges out of Chicago, on every road,
and send to the outer world such telegrams of his own choosing
as would account for the condition of things in Chicago. For
the purpose of effect on the public mind, it was determined to
inform the people outside of the responsibility of the Adminis-
tration for the interference with the political convention in its
deliberations, trusting that communication might not be
■reopened under a fortnight. But no one experienced in army
life will be surprised to observe the difference between the
soldier and citizen, even though the citizen may formerly have
been a soldier. The contingent which we asked could not be
promised us with any certainty, and all hope of success in this
direction had to be abandoned, at least for the time. The Con-
federate officers accordingly deemed it wise to leave Chicago,
as the safety secured by the presence of the convention was
removed, and the agents of the Government had been aroused
to greater vigilance and activity.

CHAPTER XXIV

Plan for capture of gunboat Michigan on Lake Erie and release
of prisoners on Johnson's Island — Captain Cole and Acting
Master Beall undertake the adventure — Lieutenant Young
sent with funds to Buffalo — Cole, at the moment of success,
is betrayed and arrested and imprisoned at Sandusky City —
Thompson and Clay to the rescue — Cole finally recognized as
prisoner of war.

Colonel Thompson explained to Martin and me the
character of expeditions in which the Confederates with his
approval and support had been engaged. The story of the
attempt of Hines and Castleman to release the prisoners at
Chicago on the 29th of August was gone over in substan-
tially the same form as told by Hines.

Colonel Thompson had indulged the hope that the gun-
boat Michigan, which was anchored near Johnson's Island,
might be captured and thus give the Confederates the mastery
on the Lakes. It would put the cities and towns of New
York, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, that were
upon the shores of the Lakes, at the mercy of this warship
under Confederate command.

The capture of this gunboat had been undertaken by Capt.
Charles H. Cole, of Forrest's command, and Capt. John
Yates Beall, an officer of the Confederate Navy. The
attempt was made just before our arrival in Toronto.

Captain Cole had first investigated the situation as
follows* :

Soon after. Captain Cole made a special report showing the
prospect of an early capture of the steamer Michigan, and
Lieut. Bennett H. Young was sent to Sandusky, Ohio, to report

*T. Henry Hines in Southern Bivouac.

232 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

to Captain Cole for duty, and to provide him with the necessary
funds. After investigating the matter with which he was
charged, Captain Cole made a report, from which the following
are extracts:

"Buffalo is poorly protected ; one regiment and a battalion of
invalids. The regiment is at Camp Morgan, opposite Port
Huron, and between North and South Buffalo, and the battalion
doing hospital duty and guarding the stores. There is a very
large amount of government stores there, a large quantity of
ammunition in United States arsenal, and also some cannon,
mortars, and small arms. The arsenal is situated on Oak street.
I left for Cleveland, and on the passage met a gentleman who
will be of benefit to our cause at Chicago. He assisted me
materially in Cleveland, and took me around the government
works, and introduced me to the foreman of the cannon shops,
who told me there were about two hundred and fifty men
employed there, and that they were shipping large cannon to
Sandusky, Milwaukee, and Chicago, with one hundred rounds
of ammunition to each gun. I learned the bearings of the lake
around Cleveland. I met the engineer of the Pacific, who, I
think, money can influence. I concluded my information from
him and left for Detroit with him. From Detroit I went to
Chicago, meeting with Mr. Charles Walsh.

"I ascertained there the water needed for crossing the bars,
and the amount of tonnage of the tugs, which would be most
serviceable in time of need. The new steam tugs are of, say
one hundred and seventy-five tons, one screw engine, and are
capable of carrying coal for thirty-six hours' run ; will mount
two guns, one large gun at the stern and a small field-piece at
the bow ; are easily managed, and will make ten knots an hour
even in the severest weather. There is little difficulty in bring-
ing vessels to bear against Camp Douglas. We can run the
tugs up the river, and an armed vessel on the lake, bringing
guns to bear on the camp. There is an immense amount of
shipping, and among the first things would be to destroy the
different draw-bridges, and then the whole city is accessible by
water.

"Milwaukee is an easy place to take possession of. They
have no fort, and twelve feet of water up to the first draw-
bridge. The Milwaukee and Detroit steamers are below the
first draw-bridge; there is a large amount of grain shipment
and quantities of coal. Sheboygan supplies all the country from

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 233

Fond du Lac; sends grain and produce there for shipment.
Port Washington is a small settlement with little of advantage,
but its people are strong friends, and determined in their resist-
ance to the draft. Mackinaw has a natural fortification, and
mounted at the observatory are three guns bearing on the
straits. * * * Lake Erie furnishes a splendid field for
operations. * * * Erie is a difficult place to get at, more
so than any city on the Lakes. * * * j made the acquaint-
ance of Captain Carter, commanding United States steamer
Michigan.

"He is an unpolished man, whose pride seems to be touched
for the reason that, having been an old United States naval
officer, he is not allowed now a more extensive field of operation.
I do not think that he can be bought."

Captain Cole, desiring formal authority before undertaking
the capture of the Michigan, addressed Mr. Thompson from
Sandusky, Ohio, as follows :

"Hon. Jacob Thompson.

"Sir : I have the honor to ask to be placed in secret detached
service, in undertaking the capture of the gunboat Michigan at
Johnson's Island. Combination can be made without infringing I
the neutrality laws of Canada. I send this by special messenger.
An immediate answer requested.

"Charles H. Cole^

"Captain, C. S. A."
To this Colonel Thompson replied :

"Captain Charles H. Cole, Captain C. S. A., and Lieutenant

C. S. Navy.

"Sir: By the authority in me vested, specially trusting in
your knowledge and skill, you are assigned to the secret
detached service for the purpose mentioned in your letter. To
aid you in this undertaking, John Y. Beall, master in the Con-
federate States Navy, has been directed to report to you for
duty. In all you may do in the premises, you will carefullyj
abstain from violating any laws or regulations of Canada or
British authorities in relation to neutrality. The combinations!
necessary to effect your purposes must be made by Confederate i
soldiers, with such assistance as you may draw from the enemy's
country. Your obedient servant,

"Jacob Thompson.""

234 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It should be said, with reference to the statement that
Lieutenant Bennett H. Young was sent to Sandusky with
funds, that Thompson and Clay had sent Young with twenty-
five thousand dollars in greenbacks, which he delivered to
Captain Beall at the Genesee House in Buffalo. Young then
returned to Toronto and Beall to Sandusky.

Captain Cole had located at the West House, in Sandusky,
and hailed from Philadelphia. After Cole and Beall had
agreed upon the plan to capture the Michigan, Beall departed
to carry out his part of the undertaking.

The plan provided that Beall with a force of twenty Con-
federates should take passage on the steamer Philo Parsons,
at or below Detroit, put the passengers and crew ashore, and
then steam ahead in the usual way as if going to Sandusky
until near the Michigan, when they would turn and run
alongside, board and capture the gunboat. The prisoners
on Johnson's Island would then be released. Captain Cole
meanwhile would perform his part and have a messenger at
^ass Island for Beall and Burley upon their arrival.
^-The acquaintance formed with Captain Carter of the
Michigan, when Captain Cole made his initial tour around
the Lakes, had been cultivated until a congenial association
had made them the best of friends. Cole had also ingratiated
himself in the esteem and confidence of the other officers of
the gunboat. He often entertained them at sumptuous
dinners at his hotel and dispensed the choicest wines
with lavish but discreet hospitality. Cole was often
an invited guest on the Michigan, and added the engineer
to his list of friends, with whom he finally made safe and
satisfactory terms. It might be said with truth that Cole
was now a privileged character on the gunboat and was freely
, allowed to visit the prison on Johnson's Island and converse
'with the officers, among whom were Ma j. -Gens. Edward
Johnson and J. R. Trimble, Brig.-Gens. Jeff. Thompson,
Archer, Jones, Beall and Frazer, Colonel Scales of the
Thirtieth Mississippi, Major Thompson of Morgan's com-
mand, Captain Breckinridge, son of John C. Breckinridge of

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 235

Kentucky, Col. Lucius Davis, who officiated in the John
Brown war, and Capt. Robert Cobb Kennedy of the First
Louisiana Infantry. These gentlemen were let into the
secret of the proposed capture of the Michigan and had all
the arrangements perfected for a revolt in the prison at
the critical moment, in aid of their rescuers, if the gunboat
should be secured. A signal was to be fired from the gun-
boat by Cole and Beall which the prisoners would under-
. stand to mean that the vessel was in their possession.

Cole had established relations with the citizens of San-
dusky who were members of the "Order of the Star." These
were at his service in a social way. They frequently joined
him in extending hospitality, and he never missed an oppor-
tunity to fete any of the officers of the gunboat when they
appeared in Sandusky.

' The time had now arrived for action and Cole arranged
with the officers of the Michigan to be his guests, on their
own gunboat, at a special champagne dinner he was to give
on the evening of the 19th of September. Meanwhile, he
had arranged with the engmeer to derange the machinery
of the gunboat. Cole's plan at his dinner was to drug the
wine of the officers and put them to sleep. He, with a Con-
federate companion, would then be on board to await the
arrival of Beall. A signal was to be sent up from the gun-
boat when Beall approached, besides the messenger to
Middle Bass Island.

—■■■ There was a small arsenal on the gunboat where the arms,
etc., of the men were kept. Cole and one friend proposed
with two pistols each to take position at the door of the little
armory and hold the unarmed men at bay when Beall arrived
on the Philo Parsons and boarded the gunboat. In this way
it was expected to obtain possession without a conflict or any
loss of life. x/

It happened that some one in the confidence of Colonel
Thompson had betrayed Cole. The officers were advised
in time to arrest him promptly and put him in irons. The
Michigan was put in order for battle with steam up for the

'%-V^

236 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

pursuit of the Philo Parsons if she approached. It devel-
oped, however, that the engine did not work at this critical
juncture, but Captain Carter never knew the cause. The
ngineer had been true to his bargain with Captain Cole.

The imprisonment of Captain "Cole and" tlie other im-
portant fact that he had been betrayed was at once commu-
nicated by a messenger to Colonel Thompson and Mr. Clay
at Toronto. They promptly addressed the United States
commander as follows :

Toronto^ September 22, 1864.
To Colonel Hill, Commandant of Post, Johnson's Island.

Sir: We have just learned that Captain Cole, an escaped
prisoner, has been arrested by the military authorities at your
post, and is to be tried on the charge of being a public spy. As
le^gents and commissioners of the Confederate States, we
protest against his being tried on this charge. As a prisoner
he was brought into your lines against his will, and since his
escape he has not been able to return to his own country, and
therefore he was legitimately where he was found and taken
into your lines. Whatever business he might have conceived,
he has done nothing whatever violative of the laws of nations,
the laws of the United States, or any regulation of the army,
and it will be contrary to every principle, either of public, com-
N " mon, civil, or statutory law, to punish him for his designs or

purposes, provided he had carried none of them into execution.
On the hypothesis, then, that you have reason to believe that he
contemplated any act of violence, if he failed to carry it out or
make any attempt looking to that end, he cannot surely be
judged guilty of any offense. If you proceed to extremities
with Captain Cole we shall find it our duty to call on the author-
ities of the Confederate States to adopt proper measures of
retaliation. If you can justly condemn Captain Cole as a spy,
every soldier and officer of the army of the United States
coming within the lines of the armies or limits of theXonfed-
erate States could be tried and condemned as such. , We admit
ryour right to return him to prison as a recapture'5 prisoner, but
/any other punishment, in our judgment, would be against
/justice and the law.

If any importance is attached to his being within your lines
without wearing his uniform, the circumstances which surround
him as an escaped prisoner will very well explain the reason of

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 237

its absence. He had no uniform to wear. He did not even
change his name, which is usual in such cases. He had con-
ducted himself with the boldness, courage, and frankness of
the true soldier in all his associations. He deserves this fate
and none other.

Very respectfully,
(Signed.) Jacob Thompson,

C. C. Clay,

Commissioners.

The contention made in this communication was eventu-
ally effective and Captain Cole suffered no worse fate than
that of a prisoner of war. He had frankly acknowledged
his true character and purposes to release the prisoners on
Johnson's Island.

The plans and purposes of Captain Cole were related to
me by Colonel Thompson and afterwards by Captain Beall.

The Federal official proceedings were as follows:

War Department, Bureau of Military Justice.

July i8, 1865.
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. W. Hoffman, U. S. Army,

Commissary-General of Prisoners, Washington, D. C.

General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your communication of the 15th instant, with which, pursuant
to the direction of the lieutenant-general of the Army, you
inclose the papers in the cases of Charles H. Cole and John E.
Robinson (held as prisoners of war) for the opinion thereon of
the Judge-Advocate-General as to their proper disposition, and
in reply thereto would respectfully submit as follows :

It is clearly disclosed by the report of Col. Charles W. Hill,
U. S. Army, and the testimony accompanying- the same, that
Cole was an active co-conspirator with Jacob Thompson, C. C.
Clay, Jr., W. Norris, and others in Canada and the neighboring
States of the Union, in a scheme to release in September last
the rebel prisoners confined on Johnson's Island, and to seize
the United States steamer Michigan, then stationed at San-
dusky, Ohio ; that Cole had, for a considerable period before his
arrest (on 19th of September), beenen^aged-in^tfee preparatory
details of the expedit.iQiV'.a«d that while_s£Lengaged he was 'j
directly in^^lhe^ay of. the rebel Government, receiving from
Thompson, its ' agent and commissioner," sundry sums of money

--0

238 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

in gold and U. S. Treasury notes, amounting in all to about
$4,000 ; further, that Robinson was a subordinate of Cole in the
general plan, and, though possessed of less intelligence, was
actively employed in the plot.

What the details alluded to precisely were, beyond passing to
and fro between the representatives of the rebellion in Canada
and the United States, and acting principally at Sandusky as
a principal and director of the parties on the (jnited States side
of the lake who were to co-operate in carrying out the scheme,
does not clearly appear. The seizure, however, of the steamers
Island Queen and Philo Parsons hy Canadian rebels on: the same
day as that on which Cole was arrested was a signal overt act
of the conspiracy, for which he is no doubt to be held responsible
equally with those immediately concerned therein.

The only direct testimony connecting Cole actively with the
plot is, indeed, his own confession. This confession was oral,
and does not appear in written form, but having been made,
and, as it is understood, voluntarily, in the presence of Colonel
Hill and Captain Carter, of the Michigan, and carefully noted,
in substance, by the former, it may readily be introduced in
evidence.

No confession or statement by Robinson appears to have
been presented, and the only proof against him is found in the
declarations of Cole.

Upon the arrest of the latter a communication was addressed
by Thompson and Clay, from Toronto, Canada West, to Colonel
Hill, protesting against Cole's being treated as a spy, and claim-
ing that he was an escaped rebel prisoner who could merely be
returned to captivity by the U. S. authorities, but could not be
proceeded against for any crime.

But there is no evidence that Cole was technically a spy, yet
that he is to be treated as a criminal, and not as a prisoner of
war, is abundantly shown by the papers found in his possession
upon his apprehension. From these it appears that when a
prisoner of war at Memphis in April, 1864, he subscribed both
to a formal parole not to take arms against the United States
or give any aid or comfort to the enemy, and to an oath of
allegiance to the Government, and that thereupon he was
granted, under the designation of "Charles Cole, late a captain
in the rebel army," a permission to proceed to Harrisburg, Pa.,
with the condition only that he should report to the provost-
marshal there. He was, therefore, to be deemed, from and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 239

after that time, as a citizen, under military surveillance, perhaps,
but no less a citizen and owing allegiance as such to the United
States.

It follows, therefore, that this party is triable, as follows :

For a treasonable conspiracy with Robinson, Thompson,
Clay, Norris, and others.

For a violation of the laws of ivar in engaging in an attempt
to seize Government property and release prisoners of war.

For a violation of his oath of allegiance.

For a violation of his parole.

Upon any and all of these charges he is believed to be triable
by a military commission.

It would appear, however, that the criminality of Robinson
is of a character much less grave than that of Cole, and also
that he is not a person of influence or much intelligence. It is
suggested, therefore, that the privilege be offered him of appear-
ing as a witness against Cole, upon the usual terms of pardon,
provided he fully and frankly discloses all the facts within his
knowledge ; and that should he so appear and disclose, the trial
of Cole upon all the charges indicated be proceeded with.

That this man — at once a secret agent and hireling of the
rebellion and a false and perjured traitor — should escape pun-
ishment would appear to involve a deplorable failure of justice.

In absence of the Judge-Advocate-General :

A. A. HOSMER,

Major and Judge- Advocate.

Captain Cole was afterwards removed to Fort Lafayette,
New York, and his case was disposed of as follows :

Headquarters Fort Lafayette^

New York Harbor, February 5, 1866.
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. E. D. Townsend,

Assistant Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.

Sir : I have to state that I allowed the writ of habeas corpus

in the case of Charles" H. Cole to be served on me this day, and

that I have to present him in the City Hall at the court-house in

Brooklyn on the loth instant at 9 a. m.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Martin Burke,
Brevet Brigadier-General, U. S. Army, Commanding Post.

240 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Headquarters Fort Lafayette,

New York Harbor, February lo, 1866.
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. D. T. Van Buren, --_ ---^

Assistant Adjutant-General, Headquarters Department of the
East.

Sir: I have to state that Charles H. Cole, late prisoner at
this post, has been discharged by Judge Gilbert at the Brooklyn
court-house this day.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Martin Burke,
Brevet Brigadier-General, U. S. Army, Commanding Post.

(Indorsement.)

Headquarters Department of the East,

New York City, February 12, 1866.
Respectfully forwarded to Adjutant-General's Office. Cole
was confined as one of the party who attempted to seize the
U. S. steamer Michigan on Lake Erie in 1864, etc.

Joseph Hooker,
Major-General Commanding.
By D. T. Van Buren,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

CHAPTER XXV

Gapt. John Yates Beall — His home in Virginia — Early career
in the Confederacy with Bennett G. Burley — Capture of
steamer Philo Parsons on Lake Erie — Capture of Island
Queen — Attempt to release prisoners on Johnson's Island —
Mutiny of men when signals failed to appear — Compelled to
return and destroy vessels — Men disperse in Canada — Arrest
of Burley — Confederate steamer Georgiana on Lake Erie.

The betrayal and arrest of Captain Cole necessarily
doomed the expedition of Captain Beall, and yet he proceeded
in ignorance of the fact. As an officer of the Confederate
Navy Beall was adapted to the particular part of the adven-
ture to which he had been assigned.

John Yates Beall was born January ist, 1835, ^^ Walnut
Grove, the farm of his father, in Jefferson County, Virginia.
It is said of this home that it took the first premium at a
State Fair as the "model farm" within the limits of the Old
Dominion. Beall graduated at the University of Virginia
about 1856. He espoused the cause of the South and was
ready for service when hostilities began in Virginia. His
first experience was with Stonewall Jackson in a skirmish
at Falling Waters. He was attained as a private to the
Second Virginia Infantry, but waljpt home on leave when
his regiment went from the Shenandoah Valley to the battle
of Bull Run, July 21, 1861. A Federal force having occupied
Harper's Ferry and the county of Jefferson, Col. Turner
Ashby with a command of cavalry was contesting their ad-
vance and a number of engagements were fought. In one
of these near Beall's home he was a volunteer and com-
manded an improvised company of militia in the engagement.
The Confederates were successful. As the Federals fell

242 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

back, a party of them halted, and turning fired upon their
pursuers. Beall was among the foremost and received a shot
in the right breast which broke three ribs and went around
his body.

During the long period he was an invalid he went to Rich-
mond, thence to Tallahassee, Florida. "Here he met Gen. R.
W. Williams and his wife. Upon their urgent invitation
he accompanied them to their plantation on Pascagoula Isl-
and, in Louisiana, where he remained for several months a
welcome recipient of their hospitality."

Beall finally passed through the United States and located
at Riley's Hotel, Dundas, C. W., in November, 1862. Early
in January, 1863, his preparations were made to return to
the South. He says in his diary :

John Morgan had played such havoc in Kentucky with the
railroads and communications, that it was deemed impossible
for me to go South by that route. I then thought of West
Virginia, but the steamboats were seized to carry subsistence
to Rosecrans's army, and I took the cars to Baltimore. After
a false start I got on a pungy owne'd and run by blockaders, and
about the last of February landed in Virginia. My comrade,
Mr. Schluder, of St. Louis, Missouri, had escaped from the
Yankees — was from Price's army. We got to Richmond, and
found Dan Lucas and all the boys at Fredericksburg.

From a "Memoir of J. Y. Beall" (author unknown) I
quote the following :

Upon Beall's arrival in Richmond he set about to make a
digest of his views, ist. In regard to privateering on the
Northern lakes, and levying contributions on the adjacent cities ;
and 2d7by privateering on the Potomac and Chesapeake. It
is the belief of the "author, that Beall was the first to suggest to
the authorities in Richmond the feasibility of successful attack
on Johnson's Island, and the rescue of the prisoners there held
in confinement. In conjunction with a gallant young officer of
the Confederate Army, then on the retired list owing to ill-
health, Beall submitted his project to the President, embracing
both of the above-named objects. His ideas were bold, but not
visionary. A' privateer, secretly armed and manned, once set
afiOat on the Lakes could, he maintained, sweep their waters, and

John Yates Beall
1864

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 243

lay their cities from Chicago to Detroit in ashes, unless
redeemed by heavy contributions ; or could surprise the steamer
off Johnson's Island, release the prisoners, and with this steamer
sweep Erie from Toledo to Buffalo, and burn these cities, or
lay them under contributions. Beall, and the young officer
above alluded to, laid this project before the President, and it
was by him referred to Hon. S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the
Navy. Mr. Mallory, after due consideration, informed Beall
that his scheme upon the Lakes was regarded as feasible, but
did not think it could be accomplished without endangering our
neutral relations with England. The project upon the Potomac
was approved, and Beall was handed a commission as acting
master in the Confederate States Navy. He was assured that
if at any time in the future the Secretary should conclude to
execute the Lake scheme, he (Beall) and the young officer who
was acting in conjunction with him were to be assigned
positions in the enterprise. Whether the honorable Secretary
kept his promise or not, may interest the future historian to
inquire.

Thus held in abeyance as to his favorite enterprise on the
Lakes, Beall and his colleague, with their naval commissions in
their hands, set about organizing an expedition for privateering
on the waters of the lower Potomac and York rivers, and on
Chesapeake Bay. Meantime, it should have been mentioned
that Beall had gone before a medical examining board, and
received a final discharge from the military service on the
ground of disability arising from a wound received on the i6th
day of October, 1861, which penetrated the right lung, and
increased a hereditary tendency to consumption.

The conscription was now being rigorously enforced in the
Confederacy, and Beall was restricted in recruiting to those not
liable to military duty under existing law. Among his earliest
recruits were two young Scotchmen; one was a stout, round-
shouldered, deep full-chested man of two and twenty, with
brown hair, blue eyes quick with intelligence, and a fair beard-
less face — this was Bennett G. Burley, afterwards Beall's lieu-
tenant in the famous Lake Erie expedition, and subsequently
delivered up on the requisition of the United States authorities,
by Chief Justice Draper of Canada West; delivered up on a
charge of robbery to be tried for piracy ; a rendition illustrative
of what Junius so much admired as represented in Lord Mans-
field— the independence of the English judiciary in political

244 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

trials. Burley, even at this early day, had not been without his
experience in prison Hfe. The son of a master mechanic of
Glasgow, he had left the land of the pibroch and thistle, landed
in New York, and finally strayed into the Confederacy with a
sub-marine battery in his pocket. It was on paper— the inven-
tion of his father.

3|C 3|C ^ 3)C ^ 3|C S)C

He had also a torpedo which required to be attached to the
side of the vessel attacked, by screws, and then ignited by a
fuse; such attachment could only be effected by approaching
the vessel by night in a small boat with muffled oars, and swim-
ming the remainder of the way, and screwing the torpedo to
the vessel — returning to the skiff or small boat, and thence
igniting the fuse. Brooke thought that Diogenes with his lamp
might as soon find the object of his search, as he a man willing
to swim to an enemy's vessel, screw on a torpedo, and light
the fuse. One such man, however, was found, who afterwards

swam to a war vessel in the , screwed on the

torpedo, retired, and sprung the lanyard, but the fuse would
not ignite ; in this way the torpedo found its way again to New
York; from Burley's pocket in Castle Thunder, corner of 21st
and Casey, Richmond, to the northwest corner of Fulton and
Nassau streets, New York, whence in the columns of the Herald
it duly issued in large capitals: "CURIOUS INFERNAL
MACHINE, FOUND ATTACHED TO THE BOTTOM OF

THE WAR STEAMER on RIVER!"

The look-out declared he had heard oars as of a bateau dipping
near the ship that night, and next morning the officer found
the infernal machine fastened to her prow.

The Scotchman who fastened this torpedo on the vessel of
war was John Maxwell, accompanied by Burley, whose com-
panion he was when he enlisted with Beall. Maxwell was the
larger of the two — he was full six feet, with broad square
shoulders, black hair, moustache, and whiskers. If Burley
would have done to set for Lydon the supple Pompeian
gladiator. Maxwell on the other hand would have represented
the almost Herculean Niger. Burley was the Lowlander from
Glasgow and the banks of the Clyde, but Maxwell looked for
all the world as though he might have just stepped from the
side of Ben Lothian with bare legs, the plaid upon his shoulder,
and the purse about his waist.

Such were specimens of the non-conscripts who composed the
first privateering expedition on the waters of the York,

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 245

Potomac, and Chesapeake, which Beall originated, but, in com-
mand of which, at his own request, he was ranked by the gallant
young soldier before alluded to. This expedition met with but
partial success. Their numbers only reached nine or ten, and
they were not armed or equipped in a style which would justify
extensive operations. They started from Richmond about the
1st of April, 1863, and proceeded to Mathews Court House.
Beall returned to Richmond about the 15th of June, to procure
cutlasses, and other necessary equipments. The company was
of a partisan character, the Government furnishing nothing but
arms, uniforms, and equipments, while the party furnished
their own boat, received no pay, but were entitled to all they
could capture. In the first month nothing more was done than
to surprise a camp of armed "Contrabands," killing one, cap-
turing one, and putting to flight the remainder. This exploit
occurred on Black River, in Elizabeth City County, Virginia,
and within ten miles of Fortress Monroe.

Upon his return to Richmond Beall's superior in command
received an appointment with the rank of colonel of cavalry,
and, accepting it, Beall was left thenceforth in command of the
adventurous squad upon the Potomac. His aim was to render
his command upon the waters of the Peninsula, in the bays, and
inlets of the eastern shore of Virginia, what Mosby's was on
land, in the fastnesses of the Blue Ridge, and in the forests of
Piedmont, and the Northern Neck.

On the 1 8th of September Beall set out from Mathews. His
party now numbered eighteen. Roy McDonald had been pro-
moted to the rank of acting master. Beall himself was gener-
ally known as "Captain Beall," from the time he assumed entire
command of the party ; though he never at any time during the
war held any other commission than that of acting master,
dating from the 5th of March, 1863. His two gallant little
boats, one black, the other white, were christened respectively
the Raven and the Swan. Dividing his party, taking half in
the Swan with himself, and assigning McDonald to command
the Raven with the remainder, he left Horn Harbor, Mathews
County, and proceeded first to Raccoon Island near Cape
Charles; lying off here he found a Yankee sloop, the Mary
Anne, and two fishing scows, all of which he captured. Thence
with his prizes, he proceeded to Watch Spring Inlet on the
coast of Accomac. On the night of the 21st of September,
notwithstanding the equinoctial storm had set in, and a heavy

246 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

northwester was blowing, he boarded and captured the Alliance^
a large sloop, Capt. David Ireland, Staten Island, New York,
bound from Philadelphia to Port Royal, South Carolina, laden
with sutler's stores. McDonald with the Raven was to tackle
the sloop on the starboard, and Beall on the port. The night
was fearfully dark and stormy; the hour selected was eleven;
the crew had turned in; the captain and mate were playing
dominoes in the cabin. The Raven was dashed against the side
of the schooner, her tiller broken, and McDonald thrown head-
long into the water. He regained the boat, which was washed
back by the heavy sea, and came up with the Swan on the port ;
Beall and McDonald therefore boarded on the same side; the
former conducted his crew to the forecastle to capture the
schooner's crew, while the latter struck for the cabin, where he
found the captain and mate, unsuspicious of danger, quietly
enjoying their game. Captain Ireland was a bold, brave man,
and, watching his opportunity, started for his own stateroom to
get his arms ; in doing so, however, he had to pass McDonald,
who, observing the movement, called him to halt, with a cocked
pistol, and told him to go back to the cabin; the Captain
promptly obeyed.

The next day, September 22d, the equinox continued, and,
all hands being brought on board the Alliance, both anchors
were cast away to keep her steady. That night, however, they
again took boat, and just out the inlet captured three Yankee
sloops, the Houseman, Samuel Pearsall, and a third, name not
remembered, commanded by Capt. Rushman Craft. On the
night of the 23d they ran these three vessels, last named, out
of the inlet, stripped them of all valuables, scuttled them, and
sent them to sea. On the 24th all hands took to the larger
schooner Alliance, and sailed westward to Cobb's Island. Here
Beall obtained a reliable pilot, and announced his intention,
hazardous as might seem the undertaking, to run his prize
through the blockade, and up the Pianketank River to North
End or about that point, where he would be enabled to land his
whole cargo, and transport the same to Richmond. Accord-
ingly he paroled the crews of the Mary Anne and fishing smacks,
sent McDonald with the other prisoners to Mathews, and set
out for the mouth of the Pianketank with the Alliance. His
pilot was a Canadian, experienced and true ; but whether owing
to the presence of a Federal gunboat within a mile of the mouth
of the Pianketank, or some other cause, on this occasion he
missed the channel by twelve feet, and grounded the vessel.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 247

Beall promptly landed what goods he could run ashore in boats,
and burnt the schooner to the water's edge. He reached Rich-
mond with what remained of his cargo, about the same time
that McDonald arrived there with seventeen prisoners. From
the sale of the cargo the party realized a handsome dividend,
as the goods captured were at this time very valuable in the
Confederacy.

Captain Beall's operations now began to attract attention, and
to call down heavy denunciations upon him in the North.
Brigadier-General Wistar was sent down to Mathews and the
neighboring counties for the special purpose of capturing Beall
and his marines. Wistar's force for this purpose consisted of
one regiment of negro infantry, two of white cavalry, and a
battalion of artillery ; also three gunboats in North River, three
in East River, two in the Pianketank, and one or two off New
Point Comfort. * * * Hq (Beall) found the Peninsula,
for the present, too hot for him, and, dispersing his party
through the country, he returned to Richmond. * * *

Beall collected his small band of marines, and, leaving Rich-
mond about the loth of November, proceeded cautiously, almost
stealthily, to the coast, and again took boat. He crossed the
bay again with his two gallant little birds, the Raven and the
Swan; he struck Tangier Inlet, on the coast of Accomac, and
captured there a schooner. Daylight coming on, Beall sent a
squad of his men with one boat to conceal themselves, while he
remained with the captured schooner and only a sufficient
number of men not to attract attention. The result was, the
party sent out were by carelessness captured, and one of them
in terror disclosed who they were. Forthwith the enemy armed
all the small boats and pungies in the neighborhood, and with
four or five hundred men went in pursuit of Beall. The latter
could have escaped, but waited so long to see what was the fate
of his detachment, that escape became impossible, and he found
himself surrounded. Recognizing the fact that he was no
longer master of the situation, Beall threw overboard everything
of value, and surrendered. His capture was heralded through-
out the North as an achievement of no small moment, and was
the subject of a special despatch from General Wistar. The
"notorious Captain Beall" was at last caught, and the enemy
proposed to deal out summary, or as the Neapolitans call it,
"economical," justice to him and his band of "pirates." * * *
He and his party remained in irons for forty-two days. At the
end of this time they were released, and placed upon the footing

248 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

of Other prisoners of war. Beall was allowed to write a com-
munication to Richmond, which being laid before Mr. Mallory
and Commissioner Robert Ould, was speedily followed by a
reprisal by placing in irons seventeen captive Federal marines,
and two commissioned officers as hostages. This "taste of
retaliation" soon had the desired effect. Gen. Benjamin F.
Butler himself gave the subject his attention, and ordered these
so-called "pirates" to be released from their irons, and placed
on the footing of other prisoners of war. This being done,
Beall was forwarded along with other officers from Fort
McHenry to City Point on the 20th of March, where he
remained until the 5th of May ensuing, when he was duly
exchanged, and returned to Richmond. McDonald, however,
and the balance of the party, among whom was Beall's brother
William, were not exchanged until the following October, when
a general exchange of naval prisoners took place between the
respective governments. * * * q^ ^j^g ygj.y ^j^y q^i which
Beall was exchanged commenced the battle of the Wilderness.

On the succeeding day he temporarily attached himself to
the Engineer Corps under charge of Lieutenant Henderson, a
friend ; and being thus enabled to draw rations, etc., he remained
near the defenses around Mechanicsville for some days. When,
however, both armies were sufficiently exhausted to require rest,
Beall, his patience exhausted by the neglect of the department,
and his spirit chafing for that action which his health denied
him on the field, suddenly left the camp on the Chickahominy,
reappeared on th'e coast in Mathews County, crossed over to
the Eastern Shore, and came leisurely on through Baltimore to
New York, and thence to Canada West.

There was everything in the military experience of
Beall to fit him for the expedition to release the prisoners
at Johnson's Island. In company with Bennett G. Burley, the
Scotchman who had been his comrade on the shore of Vir-
ginia, and eighteen other Confederate soldiers, Captain Beall
made every preparation and took position to embark upon
the expedition to capture the gunboat Michigan at Johnson's
Island.

tOn Sunday evening, the i8th of September, 1864, Bennett G.
Burley took passage on board the Philo Parsons at the wharf of
Detroit. This steamer plied regularly between Detroit and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 249

Sandusky CityT; Burley inquired whether the boat stopped
regularly at Sandwich, a small town on the Canadian side of
Lake Erie"; jipon being informed that it did not he requested
the clerk and part owner of the boat, W. O. Ashley, to stop
there the next morning and take on three friends of his, who,
with himself, were bound for Sandusky. (Memoir of Beall.)

'" This arrangement was made and at 8 o'clock the next
morning Captain Beall with two men jumped on the boat as
she came near enough without a regular stop.
p^ At Amherstburg i6 men came on board without baggage
except an old trunk tied with ropes. This was 9.30 o'clock.
About 4 p. m. the steamer touched at Kelley's Island. Im-
.mediately after leaving Kelley's Island Captain Beall was
talking with the mate, who was at the helm. Glancing
around to see that his men were ready, Beall exclaimed that
he took possession of the boat in the name of the Confederate
States and that any man who resisted would do so at his
peril.

In a moment Beall and Burley with their eighteen men
flashed out their navy sixes and commanded the situation.
There was a prompt surrender on the part of all the pas-
sengers, who were corralled in the cabin under guard. Ash-
ley, the clerk, obeyed the command to surrender. Beall then
took possession of the papers, books, and money of the boat.
There was over one hundred dollars in money belonging to
the boat. Burley with sixteen men cleared the deck for serv-
ice at Johnson's Island by throwing overboard all the heavy
freight.

Beall now had the steamer headed for Middle Bass Island,
which is ten miles from the Ohio shore and the same distance
from Johnson's Island. Soon after the Philo. Parsons
reached the island and the prisoners were put ashore, the
Island Queen from Sandusky landed alongside the Philo
Parsons. Beall with fourteen men boarded her immediately
and took possession in the name of the Confederate States,
proclaiming the fact in a loud voice. It looked for a few
minutes as if there would be a fight, as there was some re-

250 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

sistance and several shots were fired before the crew and pas-
sengers surrendered. Mr. Haynes, the engineer, was wounded
in the neck. The passengers and crew were sent on board the
Philo Parsons and held for an hour, when they were landed
with their baggage. Among them were several Federal
soldiers unarmed belonging to the One Hundred and Thir-
tieth Ohio Regiment of "hundred day" men who were on
their way to Toledo to be mustered out of service. These
were paroled. One of the passengers had eighty thousand
dollars on his person. He asked Beall to let him keep a part
of it. Beall told him to keep it all and told all that they
wanted nothing from any of them. But that the boats and
their money were a prize of war on the lake and would be
appropriated accordingly. LThe two vessels were lashed
together, but after running some five miles Beall scuttled the
Island Queen and sent her adrift. She sunk just above
Chichanolee Reef.^^

Beall was disappointed in not finding a messenger at Mid-
dle Bass Island from Captain Cole and was now proceeding
without any advices whatever. ( As he reached the mouth of
Sandusky Bay he was looking for the agreed signal lights or
rockets, either from Johnson's Island, on the Michigan, or
on the Ohio shoreVBut he looked in vain and his men looked
in vain. The moon was shining brightly and the length of
the Michigan could be discerned. The lights were burning
on the gunboat and Beall proceeded slowly and cautiously.
Suddenly seventeen of Beall' s men mutinied. They declared
that they were going into the battle blindly with a gunboat
and that none of the promises of Captain Cole had been ful-
filled. There had been no messenger and there were no
signals. The steamer was halted for a parley. Beall expos-
tulated and threatened but without avail. The men then
drew up an instrument of writing and all signed it as follows :

\On Board the Philo Parsons,

September 20, 1864.
We, the undersigned, crew of the boat aforesaid, take pleasure
in expressing our admiration of gentlemanly bearing, skill, and
courage of Capt. John Y. Beall as a commanding officer and a

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 251

gentleman, but/ believing and being well convinced that the
enemy is already apprised of our approach, and is so well
prepared that we cannot by possibility make it a success, and
having already captured two boats, we respectfully decline to

prosecute it any further.

" " J7S. Riley, M. D. William Byland,

H. B. Barkley, Robert G. Harris,

R. F. Smith, W. C. Hoh,

David H. Ross, Tom S. Major,

R. B. Drake, N. S. Johnston,

James Brotherton, John Bristol,

M. H. Duncan, F. H. Thomas,

W. B. King, J. G. Odoer.

Joseph Y. Clark,

Burley and one other stood by Beall. There was no alter-
native now but for Captain Beall to return up Lake Erie. He
was compelled to abandon the attack though he did not
believe Captain Cole had failed. Beall contended that he
would surprise the gunboat in any event and if he failed to
board her he could escape.,^ He now proceeded to Fighting-
Island in Detroit River, wnere he landed several prisoners,
among whom was Captain Orr of the Island Queen. These
had been confined in the hold of the Philo Parsons. He
then proceeded to Sandwich, Canada.

Having removed everything of value from thesteamer,
Beall scuttled the Philo Parsons and left her to her fate.
The men dispersed and all escaped arrest except Bennett G.
Burley,- His extradition was demanded by the United, States
authorities and his arrest followed. He was confined at
Toronto.

Captain Beall managed to confer with Colonel Thompson
and give a full account of the failure of his expedition.

The attempt of Captains Cole and Beall had caused great
excitement in the United States, especially along the north-
ern borders. There were now many detectives in Toronto
and other places from the United States endeavoring to
locate and identify the parties who composed the force of

252 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Captain Beall on the Philo Parsons, Beall went northward
in Canada on a hunting and fishing journey, spending a
couple of weeks in camp.

Martin and I had crossed the ferry at Detroit, on our way
to Toronto, only three days after Beall scuttled the Philo
Parsons at Sandwich.

A brief account of this expedition under Captain Beall and
a letter he wrote to a Canadian editor, who had severely criti-
cised the conduct of Beall, are recorded in his diary, and are
striking illustrations of his character and sentiments :

RAID ON LAKE ERIE.

Immediately on my arrival in Canada I went to Colonel
Thompson at Toronto, and made application to start a privateer
on Lake Huron. He informed me of a plan to take the
Michigan (14 guns), and release the Confederate officers con-
fined at Johnson's Island. I immediately volunteered, and went
to Sandusky, Ohio, to meet Captain Cole, the leader. We
arranged our plans, and separated. Cole stayed at Sandusky.
I came to Windsor to collect men, and carry them to the given
point. On Monday morning we started, some from Detroit,
some from Sandwich, some from Amherstburg. When off
Kelley's Island, I seized the Philo Parsons, and mustering my
men, found only some twenty there.

We went back to Middle Bass Island to procure wood and
wait for the time when the steamer Island Queen came up, and
we took her. I then started back to attack the Michigan, when
seventeen of my twenty men mutinied, and refused to go for-
' ward, and this necessitated my turning back, thus abandoning
Cole to be hung, a most cowardly and dishonorable affair.

Communication to a Canadian Journal.

"Mr. Editor : You condemn the conduct of those who cap-
tured the two steamers on Lake Erie as infringing the laws of
Canada. Cognizant of the facts, I wish to present them to
you, hoping to win you to reserve your decision.

"The United States is carrying on war on Lake Erie against
the Confederate States (either by virtue of right or sufferance
from you), by transportation of men and supplies on its waters;
by confining Confederate prisoners on its islands, and lastly, by
the presence of a 14-gun steamer patrolling its waters. The

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 253

Confederates clearly have the right to retaliate, provided they
can do so without infringing your laws. They did not infringe \
those laws ; for, first, the plan for this attack was matured, and j
sought to be carried out in the United States, and not in Canada ; /
there was not a Canadian, or any man enlisted in Canada. ^ . -^

"Secondly. No act of hostility was committed on Canadian /
waters or soil. Any man may lawfully come into, or leave
Canada as he may please, and no foreign government can com-
plain of the exercise of this right here. These men embarked
on an American vessel from Detroit, or sprang on to it while in
motion, from Canadian wharves. The boat did not properly
stop at Sandwich, or Amherstburg at all, as the Customs will
show. It touched at two American ports, and was not captured
until within range of the 30-pounder Parrott guns of the 14-gun
steamer. What act of hostility had been committed up to this
time? Another boat containing thirty or forty United States
soldiers was captured in an American port. After wooding up,
the Philo Parsons proceeded to the mouth of Sandusky Bay for
the purpose of attacking the Michigan, when six-sevenths of
the crew refused to do duty, and thus necessitated the abandon-
ment of the enterprise.

"Thirdly. What is this Jlfir^i^^w that she cannot be attacked ? -^
Is the fact that she carries thirteen more guns than the treaty
stipulation between the United States and England allows, a
sufficient reason why she is not to be subject to attack ? England / \
allows this boat to remain guarding Confederate prisoners,,
though she carries an armament in violation of the treaty.

"Before these men are condemned, judge if they have broken
your laws. No 'murder' was committed, indeed not a life lost.
There was no searching of prisoners, no 'robbing.' It is true
the boats were abused; but, sir, they were captured by Con-
federates, enemies of the United States, and however question-
able the taste, the right is clear. These men were not 'burglars,'
or 'pirates,' enemies of mankind, unless hatred and hostility to
the Yankees be taken as a sin against humanity, or a crime
against civilization."

Immediately after the expedition of Beall and Burley had
failed, Colonel Thompson decided to secure a^. vessel, pn the

C Lakes and equip her secretly, to Be manned by a crew under
command of Captain Beall.
V The steamer Georgiana was purchased by Dr. J. P. Bate,
of Kentucky, who had been a steamboat captain. Beall was

254 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

organizing his crew and force. He was now about ready.
The Georgiana was anchored off the Canadian shore and
equipments ready to be taken on board.

Colonel Thompson now told us that Beall would pick up
his crew and men at different points and begin operations at
the east end of Lake Erie. Martin and I agreed to go on
the expedition under Beall. Clt was intended that Beall
should shell and capture Buffalo, if possible, or make the
authorities ransom the city. He would at all events capture
several other good steamers at Buffalo and destroy all the
others at the wharf. Then our navy would take the towns
along the shore to Cleveland, where a few additional Con-
federates would come aboard at each* place to help man the
vessels. At the earliest moment, after two or more vessels
could be equipped, the fleet would be divided and the one
under Beall would make straight along the Canadian shore
for the west, destroying every vessel he met. He would
reach Toledo as soon as possible unless, by a scouting ves-
sel, which he would send to Sandusky, he found the gun-
boat Michigan had gone east to capture us about Buffalo. In
such event he could go direct to Johnson's Island before the
garrison could be reinforced and release the Confederate
prisoners by attacking with the guns of two vessels. It was
understood that every available Confederate soldier in
Canada or Kentucky would come to join the crews. The
chief reliance upon which the enterprise was expected to
succeed was that four armed vessels would be ready in
advance of the enemy when an effort would be made to sur-
round the Michigan, and then in a battle at least one of our
vessels would reach and board the gunboat, and capture her.
It was not believed the gunboat could overtake our vessels
by a chase and sink them in. detail.- According to the calcu-
lations it waCbelieved that our' forx^ would number 300 to
400 men on the boats, witfiin.ofie week after we struck

Buffaior;^ : ■'

Martin and I were ready to go and the only man we
selected was George S. Andersofi from Pittsylvania County,

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 255

Virginia. He had been a courier for Colonel Martin on
Morgan's last raid to Kentucky and was afterward in the
company that I commanded in Cantrill's battalion near " _\
Rogersville, Tennessee, at the time I was detailed for service " ' ^^^
in Canada. He had heard of our coming to Canada, and ^-^^=*^^- -—
being captured near Greeneville, East Tennessee, about the 't^'^

time General Morgan was killed, he escaped from a train in
Ohio en route to Camp Chase, and made his way to Canada
and found us at Toronto.

Martin and I, with Anderson, proceeded to Port Colburn,
on the north shore of Lake Erie, to get on the Qeorgiana.
That place was fifteen miles from Buffalo and was the last
Canadian port at which Beall would touch before making
the attack. We waited for him two days and nights. His
failure to come (he being twenty- four hours overdue) became
a mystery and we returned to Toronto. We now learne"d — •,
from Colonel Thompson that the Canadian authorities had j
instituted such surveillance of the vessel that it had been \
impossible to get arms or other supplies on board the \
Georgiana. And besides the United States authorities, after'
the purchase, had alarmed all points on the lake and tugs
were being fitted up at Buffalo and other cities, with artillery
for her destruction. The panic could not have been greater
if we had captured a city. In this dilemma this last enteF-H
prise was abandoned and disposition was made of the 1
Georgiana without delay. "^""^

CHAPTER XXVI

Lieutenant Young's raid upon St. Albans, Vermont — Retreat
and pursuit — Capture by Americans in Canada — Rescued
by a British officer — Sympathy for prisoners in Canada —
Extradition demanded — Preparations for defense.

A profound sensation was created all over the United
States and Canada on the morning of October 20, 1864. The
papers published the particulars of a raid upon St. Albans,
Vermont, by a band of Confederate soldiers. It appeared
that the attack was made by a party under command of Lieut.
Bennett H. Young of Kentucky. The town had been fired,
several citizens had been shot in the melee, and a large sum
of money taken from three of the banks. The guerrillas had
been chased by the citizens into Canada, according to reports
in the newspapers.

,\ I soon learned that Colonel Thompson knew nothing of
-f the expedition, but knew Lieutenant Young. A few days
afterwards Mr. Clay came up from Montreal to Toronto and
gave us all of the particulars, as reported to him by Lieu-
tenant Young and his men. I met him in Colonel Thomp-
Ason's rooms at the Queen's Hotel. He said he had authorized

T the expedition, which had been a success except that a large
part of the money had been taken from the men who were
arrested. Lieutenant Young had surrendered to a party of
pursuers who came near taking his life. The expedition
which had brought Lieutenant Young into great notoriety,
/fin the United States and Canada, had produced alarm in all
the towns in the United States, from Maine to Minnesota.
This was the condition which was desired by the Con-
federates.

Bennett H. Young
1864

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 257

Lieutenant Young, who conducted this enterprise, was 21
years of age at the time. He was a native of Jessamine
County, Kentucky, and had enlisted in Gen. John H. Mor-
gan's command. On General Morgan's raid into Ohio, j
Young was captured and imprisoned, first at Camp Chase, /
and later at Camp Douglas, from which place he escaped and I
made his way to Canada in the early spring of 1864. After__A
considering all the routes and risks of returning to the Con-
federacy, he concluded to go by sea from Nova Scotia. It
was late in the spring before the ice broke up and navigation
was resumed on the St. Lawrence River. Lieutenant Young
went by the earliest vessel and landed at Halifax. Here he
met Mr. Clay en route to Canada on his mission as Confed-
erate Commissioner. It was soon agreed that Young should
proceed on his journey to Richmond and arrange to return
for service in Canada.

Lieutenant Young sailed from Halifax early in June,
and arrived safely at the Bermuda_Islands. He then secured " ^
passage on a blockade_runner, and passed safely into Wil- /
mington, NortE"Carolina, though under a. brisk fire from the .^
blockading ships of the enemy.

At Richmond the authorities cheerfully agreed to the
recommendation of Mr. ^lay. Ygung was commissioned a
first lieutenant in the Confederate Army, with an assignment
to service in Canada. ' He immediately departed with a sealed
cornmunication jErom the Secr£taj:yLjaL„War, James. A, Sed-
don, to Mr. Clay. At" Wilmington he found the same ves-
sel, and having been furnished transportation by the Govern-
ment, he proceeded without incident to the Bermuda Islands,
and thence to Canada.

Lieutenant Young went on to Upper Canada and stopped
a few days at Toronto; but in due time reported for duty
at St. Catharines, where Mr. Clay and Mr. James P. Hol-
combe were residing and haflbeen engaged in peace negotia-
tions with Horace Greeley and Judge Black of Pennsylvania.
Several conferences were also held here between the Con-
federates and the leaders of the "Sons of Liberty."

258 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Lieutenant Young organized quite a number of escaped
prisoners and went to Chicago on the expedition of Capt.
Thomas H. Hines, for the release of prisoners at Camp
Douglas, when the revolution of the "Sons of Liberty" was
also to occur during the Democratic National Convention,
of which an account is given in a preceding chapter.

Soon after this Lieutenant Young was sent by Mr. Clay
to Columbus, Ohio, to arrange for an uprising of the pris-
oners at Camp Chase, when the signal should be given that
the arsenal outside and four miles distant, had been captured.
Young made the journey alone and found but a small garri-
son at the arsenal, which he felt could be overcome readily by
thirty Confederates. It was thought that the prisoners after
breaking out could reach the arsenal before any Federal
troops could arrive from any other point. Young proposed
after capturing the garrison at the arsenal, to go with over
half of his men to the prison and make the attack suddenly
upon the guard on the prison walls, thus opening a way out
for the prisoners. The attack was to be made at midnight,
telegraph lines were to be cut, and the bridges over the river
were to be blown up. The 6,000 prisoners, as soon as armed
at the arsenal, would then mount themselves in the city and
country around, when they could march to the Confederacy.
Lieutenant Young finally enlisted thirty men, the number
needed, but a third of them were raw or elderly, and at the
appointed time for action these weakened and caused the
abandonment of the enterprise.

Lieutenant Young, after a conference with Mr. Clay, went

into Vermont alone and selected St. Albans for an attack

which could be made with the twenty reliable men who were

now under his command. By arrangement, his men, two

.and three in a party, went by different routes and trains so

/ as to arrive all together on th^ night of the i8th of October,

/ 1864. There was no disappokftment this time. Every man

'^"-arrived; and each party found* iiooms at the several hotels,

where they remained most of the time. Lieutenant Young

and one or two others went out the next forenoon and located

the banks and livery stables.

Clement Claiborne Clay
1867

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 259

Promptly at 3^XLclock_iii„J;he„afternaon the little com-
mand suddenly rallied and formed in the street, with over-
coats off and Confederate uniforms on. Each man wore a
pair of navy sixes belted on outside. They proclaimed that
they took possession of St. Albans in the name of the Con-
federate States. The public square in the center of the city
contained several acres, and all the citizens on the street were
ordered to go into the square and remain. This was ridi-
culed by a number of citizens, when the Confederates began
to shoot at men who hesitated to go, and one was wounded.
The citizens now realized that the exhibition was not a joke.

The Confederates were prepared with fifty four-ounce
b'^^j^s of Gr^i^^V f?rf ^^^i^, and while thi:e^_merLJ5i[eiit-40'-€ach
bank and seair€-4-4h€k- -money, the others were firing the
hotels and other buildings, and securing horses and equip-
ments.

The citizens had been held at bay during the proceedings,
which had consumed perhaps three-quarters of an hour. But
the city contained about 5,000 inhabitants, and many men
began to come into the public square. A number of Federal
soldiers appeared among them, and preparations were being
made for an attack upon the Confederates, who were now
ready to go when a few more horses were equipped.

Suddenly the people began to fire from windows, and
three of the Confederates were seriously wounded. A skir-
mish now ensued, and one citizen was killed. The Confed-
erates dashed their Greek fire against the houses all about
on the square, and began their march to escape, with the
citizens and a few soldiers, some in buggies and some on
horseback, in pursuit. Lieutenant Young took the road to
Shelburne, some eight miles distant, and was beyond reach of
the pursuers until at Shelburne he reached a bridge over a
river, on which a team was found crossing with a load of
hay, for which he was obliged to wait. The pursuers
_approached, when the Confederates halted and opened fire,
at the same time halting the team and turning it upon the
bridge set fire to the hay, which fired and destroyed the

260 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

/ bridge. The pursuers did not again overtake the Confed-
erates. Lieutenant Young and his men, however, pushed
forward and reached the border Hne of Canada about nine
o'clock that night. The party at once donned their citizens'
clothing and abandoned the St. Albans horses on the high-
way. They then dispersed and proceeded on foot into
Canada.

The next forenoon Lieutenant Young learnedjiiat several
of his men had been arrested at Phillipsbufg/ He at once
decided that this must necessarily "compel him to give himself
up to the authorities and make the cause of his men his own,
since he was the commander, and holding a commission and
the authority for the raid. ~~j

Young stopped at a farm'^use, and leaving his revolvers
in an adjoining room, he sat at the only fire, which was in
the kitchen, to get warm. To his surprise, about twenty-five
people from St. Albans, in pursuit of his party, learning
that there was a stranger in the house, suddenly rushed in
and reached Young before he could get to his pistols, which
they secured. They promptly, seized-him and at once pro-
ceeded to beat him with the pistols and with swords.

The American party now started with Young to return to
St. Albans. They could have killed him, but doubtless
deemed it important to deliver him alive in St. Albans for
several reasons. They put Young in an open wagon with
two men on each side and one in his rear, all in the wagon.
The men were excited and carried their pistols cocked,
badgering him with threats to shoot, while they denounced
him in unmeasured terms. Young, however, continued to
protest against their proceedings, insisting that they were
in violation of British neutrality, but they said they did not
care a d — n for British law or the British nation. The front
gate was some two hundred feet from the house. The road
which passed in front of the house led from the United
States to Phillipsburg. When they reached the gate to pass
out. Young suddenly knocked the men from each side with
his arms, seized the reins, and quickly turning the horses.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 261

drove toward Phillipsburg. But his captors, who were
apparently paralyzed for a moment, soon recovered, and
pounced upon him with their pistols and swords. In the
midst of the melee, and fortunately for Young, a British
officer happened upon the scene. Young told him of his
character — that of a Confederate officer on British soil and
entitled to protection, that his captors were Americans who
proposed to take him without any authority to the United
States in violation of British neutrality and in defiance of
British law.

The British officer reasoned with the Americans for a
time, who were reluctant to listen to argument or to delay
their return to St. Albans. The officer, however, told them
that five others of the raiding party had been arrested and
were at Phillipsburg, and two at St. Johns, and that all were
to be sent to St. Albans the next day. Young's captors then
agreed that the officer should take him under their escort
to Phillipsburg. Here he found five of his comrades under
arrest. But it happened that there was no arrangement
for the Americans or any one else to carry the prisoners back
to St. Albans.

That night Lieutenant . Young and his fi-ve jnen- were
carried to St. Johns, a distance of about twenty miles, and
placed in jail Here a large garrison of British Regulars
was stationed, who manifested the warmest friendship for
the prisoners. They went so far as to suggest to Lieutenant
Young that he and his men might be rescued. They extended
every courtesy, and the citizens were likewise friendly and
hospitable to the prisoners. Lieutenant Young and his com-
rades concluded that it would be unwise now to evade the
issue and preferred to await their fate in the courts of
Canada, since their extradition had been demanded by the
Government of the United States.

Meanwhile, there was unabated excitement in Vermont
and consternation among the inhabitants of all the States
along the Canadian border.

262 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

After a few days Lieutenant YoiJngxLixd,hisj:omrades were
sent to Montreal -under a warrant issiied by Judge Charles
^^ jCoursol, police judge of Montreal. The prisoners were con-
t^ fined m the jail, but received the kindest attention possible
from the jailer and his family. Indeed, the jailer set aside
his parlors for the accommodation of the prisoners. They
were permitted to occupy outside bed-rooms and their meals
were served in the jailer's family dining-room. There were
no indignities and none of the restrictions incident to im-
prisonment in a jail.

The large number of Southern people who were sojourn-
ing in Montreal vied with each other in kindness to the pris-
oners. The citizens of the city were equally conspicuous in
their manifestations of friendship, sympathy, and courteous
attentions.

It was now realized that a great trial and legal battle was
inevitable. The friends of Lieutenant Young in Montreal
at once united with the Confederate Commissioners in secur-
ing the services of all the leading lawyers of this Canadian
Province. In view of the universal friendship manifested
for the prisoners, and of the indignation aroused by the inva-
sion from St. Albans, by the Americans, the best lawyers
were glad to accept retainers, which in any event would
enable them to excuse themselves from representing the
United States.

Mr. Clay arranged promptly to provide for the proper
defense of the prisoners. It was soon developed that the
question would be raised by the United States, that Lieuten-
ant Young and his men were not Confederate soldiers, and
that their claims to such a character would be denied. Their
/extradition was demanded for a criminal offense under the
L Jawa^oi.. Y-ermont.

The other thirteen men composing Lieutenant Young's
command on the expedition to St. Albans were not yet
arrested, and there was now very little disposition among
the Canadian officials for their apprehension. The kind

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

263

treatment of the prisoners at Montreal only served to aggra-
Vvate and intensify the bitter feeling in the United States.
The foregoing account of the noted St. Albans raid was

afterward confirmed by Lieutenant Young and a number of

his men.

CHAPTER XXVII

Plans for revolution at Chicago and New York City — Attempts
to be made to burn Cincinnati, Philadelphia, and Boston —
Plans in New York City.

In reviewing the situation it appeared to Colonel Thomp-
son, and to Mr. Clay, who was present when Colonel Martin
and I were called in conference, that the all-important field
for action must be developed with the cooperation of the
"Sons of Liberty." The tangible prospects were best for ar\
uprising at Chicago and New York. The forces of the "Sons
of Liberty" were not only organized, but arms had been
distributed.— ^t had been deemed surest to rely upon the

(attempt to organize a Northwestern Confederacy with
Chicago as the capital.

In order to promote the movement Captain Hines, Col.
St. Leger Grenfel, Colonel Marmaduke, Lieutenant Eastin
and all the other available Confederates had been selected
to be in Chicago, under command of Captain Hines, and
endeavor to carry out plans for the release of the prisoners
at Camp Douglas and Rock Island, thus forming the nucleus
for an army of Confederates upon which the "Sons of
Liberty" were to rally.

The Presidential. electii^-whidi'^wnE^tcr'fe'eileld on the 8th
day of November was deemed an opportune time for the
blow to., be struck at Chicago and in New York. Colonel
Thompson advised us that detachments under Captain
Churchill in Cincinnati and Dr. Luke Blackburn in Boston
would set fire to those cities on election day. \

Colonel Thompson referred with cohfidencrto the leader-
ship and management of Mr. Walsh and Mr. Morris in
Chicago, and to that of Mr. James A. McMasters, Mr.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 265

Horton, and Fernando Wood in New York City. He con-
fided to Colonel Martin the mission to New York. We were
told that about 20^00 men were enlisted in New York under
a complete organization; that arms had been provided al-
ready for the forces in the city, and we would be expected
to take military supervision of the forces at the vital moment.
It was proposed by the New York managers to take posses-
sion of the city on the afternoon of election day and in order
to deter opposition a number of fires were to be started in
the city. The United States Sub-Treasury was to be cap^
tured and all other property of the Government. And
especially we were to release the prisoners at Fort Lafayette
and unite them with our forces.

Colonel Thompson told us that he already had an agent,
Captain Longmire of Missouri, in New York, who was
charged with the details of the preparations for the execu-
tion of the plans.

It was deemed especially important that our presence in
New York should be known only to a very few persons. And
no one in Toronto should know our mission except our
friends Godfrey J. Hyams and W. Larry McDonald. He
accordingly gave us a letter to Mr. James A. McMasters,
the editor and proprietor of the Freeman's Journal, which
informed Mr. McMasters that Colonel Martin, with me as
second in command, had been given authority for all military
purposes. Only six others, Capt. Robert Cobb Kennedy of
Louisiana, Lieuts. John T. Ashbrook and James T. Harring-
ton of Kentucky, John Price of Maryland, James Chenault
of Kentucky, and the other I do not remember, were assigned
with us to operate in New York.

During this period Colonel Martin and I had secluded
ourselves as much as possible in Toronto in order that we
might not attract the special attention of the detectives of
the Washington Government. This was also the policy of
the other young soldiers who accompanied us on this
enterprise.

266 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It was arranged that we should arriv^ in New York about
ten days before the election and becotne familiar with the
streets and localities of the city. /

The party of eight members left Toronto and reached New
York safely by traveling in pairs, though we all went on the
same train by the New York Central Railroad from the
Suspension Bridge. Martin and I traveled together and
stopped at the St. Denis Hotel, on the northwest corner of
Broadway and Eleventh street. We registered under the
names of Robert Maxwell and John Williams. Ashbrook
and Harrington stopped at the Metropolitan Hotel. I do
not now remember the stopping places of the others. How-
ever, I considered it safer, after a few days, to separate
entirely as to lodging places, and secured a furnished room
on the north side of Union Square about the middle of the
first block going up Broadway. Martin and I had checks for
our trunks, which were still in the baggage-room at the
depot. It was Friday when we called on Mr. McMasters at
his office and presented our letter of introduction. He
received us cordially and said he had a note by mail from
Colonel Thompson to the same effect without giving names.
We agreed that it would be wise for us and him to meet
elsewhere as a rule. His office was considered too public a
place for our conferences. He accordingly designated a place
for us to go on Saturday and meet himself and Captain Long-
mire. At this meeting we simply got acquainted, but made
an appointment with Longmire at another place for Mon-
day and accepted the invitation of Mr. McMasters to spend
Sunday at his residence.

We found Mr. McMasters to be a determined and very
able man and a true friend. He was a strong character in all
respects. Physically he was of large proportions without
much flesh. I would say he was at least 6 feet 3 inches in
height, with a large frame, hands and feet. His face was
large with a receding but broad forehead. He was bald in
front, with brown hair and eagle eyes, and a large rather
Roman nose. His voice was strong. Everything about him
denoted strength of intellect as well as body.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 267

Our plans were discussed after dinner during the entire
afternoon. Mr. McMasters was the practical head of the
operations in New York, though in the background and not
expected to perform an active part in the proposed uprising.
He might be designated chief manager of leaders. He went
into details as to the organization, which appeared to be
perfect, and we assured him that he could rely upon us for
open, bold, and unflinching action when the hour arrived for
crucial duty. It was determined that a number of fires
should be started in different parts of the city, which would
bring the population to the streets and prevent any sort of
resistance to our movement. To facilitate this part of the
programme he said a-supply of Greek fire was being made
and Captain Longmire was looking after that arrangement.
He wanted the Confederates to put that part of the plan
into execution, while the New York commanders of their
forces would not only take possession of the city and all
the approaches, but furnish the strength to support the mili-
tary authorities. The city authorities were our friends. In
parting, late that afternoon, Mr. McMasters told us he would
request Governor Seymour to send a confidential agent down
to the city with whom he wished us to confer. It was under-
stood that the Governor would not use the militia to suppress
the insurrection in the city but would leave that duty to the
authorities at Washington. Indeed, we were to have the
support of the Governor's official neutrality. We were also
told that upon the success of the revolution here a convention
of delegates from New York, New Jersey, and the New
England States would be held in New York City to form a
Confederacy which would cooperate with the Confederate
States and Northwestern Confederacy.

Mr. McMasters agreed to send for us when he heard from
Albany. On the next Thursday morning a messenger came
for us and in the afternoon we went singly to the Freeman's
Journal office, where we were locked in the private office and
introduced to the Governor's private secretary. We were
assured that our expectations would be lived up to by the
Governor and we could prosecute our plans accordingly.

268 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

W. Larry McDonald, who was an intimate counselor of
Colonel Thompson at Toronto, had written his brother
Henry W. McDonald to assist us in every way. He pro-
posed to secrete our trunks in his wholesale piano store, No.
73 Franklin avenue. We gave him our checks and he had
the trunks hauled from the depot. We could go there occa-
sionally to get out articles and to put away others we would
not need. Our trunks were there for safety and convenience,
as we expected to change our location frequently.

It was a period of enjoyment and recreation in most
respects. I made the most of the opportunity and visited all
the theaters and points of interest about the city. Among
other entertainments I remember especially attending the
lecture of Artemus Ward at Wood's Theater on Broadway
opposite the St. Nicholas Hotel. Colonel Martin and I went
over to Brooklyn one Sunday night and heard the sermon
of Henry Ward Beecher. The meetings at Tammany Hall
were of particular interest in the closing week of the Presi-
dential campaign. We heard all the celebrities of the Wig-
wam deliver addresses. But the climax was reached when a
monster torchlight procession was formed to march the full
length of Broadway, which was reviewed by General George
B. McClellan from the balcony of the Fifth Avenue Hotel.
Martin and I were on hand early and circulated through the
surging politicians who thronged the corridors and upper
hall of the hotel. McClellan was the idol of the great as-
semblages in New York, though the Republican demonstra-
tions in favor of Mr. Lincoln were equally enthusiastic.

After we had surveyed the scene inside of the Fifth
Avenue Hotel, Martin and I went into the great crowd which
filled Madison Square. Rostrums had been erected for out-
door speakers. Among these James T. Brady had been
announced, and we watched for his appearance, when we
pushed our way to a position near his stand and listened to
his address. He was regarded as the foremost public man
in New York who openly criticised the conduct of the war.
He used strong language on this occasion.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 269

The procession began to pass about 8.30 o'clock, coming
up Broadway, and continued until i o'clock in the morn-
ing. It was not uncommon to hear hisses and groans for
Lincoln from the ranks, and the President was caricatured
in many ludicrous and ungainly pictures. Indeed, there was
a vicious sentiment voiced all along the line of the procession
against the draft and every one connected with the man-
agement of the war. The spirit of revolt was manifest and
it only needed a start and a leadership.

But, as usual, some .Jew days before the election all the
New York papers announced the arrival of 10,000 soldiers
and of;Maj[^en^Benjamin F. Butler, who not only assumed
command but issued a proclamation in which it appeared
that he proposed to deal with any disorders that might occur
to disturb the public peace, and hinted that he had some
information of disloyal movements.

Formal notice of arrival of General Butler was given as
follows :

New York, November 4, 1864.
General Orders No. 86.

Maj.-Gen. Benjamin F. Butler having been assigned to duty
in this department, will take command of the troops which are
arriving and which will be put in service in the State of New
York subject to his orders.

By command of Major-General Dix :

Charles Temple Dix,

Major and A. A. G.

General Butler first stopped at the Fifth Avenue Hotel,
where Colonel Martin was then staying, but moved to the
Hoffman House, where he and his staff occupied twelve
rooms on the first floor. Of General Butler's arrival the
New York Times said :

The wisdom of the Government in selecting the man who had
scattered the howling rabble of New Orleans like chaff, and
reduced that city to order most serene, approved itself to the
conscience of every patriot and made Copperheads squirm and
writhe in torture.

270 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Malcontents, if such there be, dare not resort to extremes.
They will be met at every point, A strong military force is
already disposed to nip all disorders in the bud.

There has been widespread and ineffaceable dread that rebel
emissaries would seize the exciting time of a general election
to put in execution the villainous threats recently made by
Richmond papers of laying New York, Buffalo, and other
Northern cities in ashes, etc.

The leaders in our conspiracy were at once demoralized
by this sudden advent of General Butler and his troops. They
felt that he must be aware of their purposes and many of
them began to fear arrest, while others were defiant.
Among the latter were Mr. Horton of the Day Book, Mr.
Brooks of the Express, and many others. However, Mr.
McMasters sent for us and expressed his fears that our plans
could not be carried to consummation. He appeared anxious
to stem the effects of the arrival of troops but said we could
not afford to make a failure. The next day, November 7th,
he reported that at a conference of the leaders it was de-
cided to postpone action.

Martin and I could only deal through Mr. McMasters,
who was really the head or chief counselor, and we realized
that he had agreed with the others that an attempt to seize
and hold possession of the city on the day of the election
would be a failure. We could do nothing but acquiesce in the
views of the New York management. However, we were
assured that the delay was only temporary, and it was con-
tended that after the election, if all passed off quietly, then
the troops would depart. But to increase the existing fears
of our friends, the papers, on the morning before the election
and also the next morning, announced the arrest of a number
of our friends at Chicago and of a number of the leaders in
Chicago of the "Sons of Liberty," who were to cooperate
with Hines and his men. It looked as if that expedition had
failed already,

Mr. Lincoln was duly elected over McClellan and Andrew
Johnson of Tennessee was elected Vice-President.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 271

It was not an unexpected result to us and it served in a
measure to increase the popular alarm and opposition to the
draft. The manifestation of this feeling had the effect as
we thought to continue the Federal garrison in New York.
We watched General Butler daily, hoping for his departure,
but it began to look as if he and his troops had come to stay.

The next morning after the election we saw from the
papers that nothing had occurred in any other city. We pre-
sumed that the same difficulties had existed in all the cities.
Our New York friends were still unable to agree upon an
auspicious day for action.

We did not reproach ourselves, however, as the-piX9QS£.d
uprising at^Chicago had not materialized. The feints at
Boston, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati were likewise not
attempted. We had no explanation of all the failures and
Mr. McMasters cited those other plans along with ours and
justified our failure as being consistent with the others.
However, we had told Colonel Thompson he could expect to
hear from us in New York, no matter what might be done
in the other cities. He seemed to approve our determina-
tion and hoped for no more failures, and especially now
when our last card was to be played.

But the more we insisted on the attempt in New York the
weaker Mr. McMasters became. Captain Longmire was
equally anxious with us to make the attempt at all hazards.
We tried to get an agreement for Thanksgiving Day, but
Butler still occupied the city and our cause had not gained
headway in the Confederacy. Finally, after repeated in-
terviews Mr. McMasters decided to withdraw from any
further connection with the proposed revolution when it was
foredoomed to failure. This left us practically at sea. Cap-
tain Longmire at the last moment became discouraged, when
we announced our purpose to set the city on fire and give
the people a scare if nothing else, and let the Government at
Washington understand that burning homes in the South
might find a counterpart in the North. Longmire concluded
to go out in the country and stay until our sensation was

272 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

over. He gave me the number of the house in Washington
Place where the Greek fire had been made. Also the name
and personal description of the old man I would meet when
I went for it. I was told all the charges had been paid. On
the night before we had determined to strike the blow our
party of Confederates met up town and arranged our final
plans. The duty of going after the Greek fire was considered
rather a dangerous mission under the circumstances, but I
was selected to go. I found the place was in a basement on
the west side of Washington Place. The heavy-built old man
I met wore a long beard all over his face. All I had to do
was to tell him that Captain Longmire had sent me for his
valise. He handed it over the counter to me without saying
a word. I turned and departed with the same silence. The
leather valise was about two and a half feet long and heavy.
I had to change hands every ten steps to carry it. No car-
riage was in sight. I had not expected the valise to be so
heavy. But I reached the City Hall Square with it safely
and boarded a street car which started there for Central Park,
going up Bowery street. The car was crowded and I had
to put the valise in front of me on the floor in the passway,
as the seats ran full length on each side of the car. I soon
began to smell a peculiar odor — a little like rotten eggs —
and I noticed the passengers were conscious of the same
presence. But I sat unconcerned until my getting off place
was reached, when I took up the valise and went out. I
heard a passenger say as I alighted, "There must be some-
thing dead in that valise." When I lugged it into our cot-
tage the boys were waiting and glad of my safe return. I
was given the key with the valise and opened it at once with
some curiosity to investigate the contents. None of the
party knew anything about Greek fire, except that the mo-
ment it was exposed to the air it would blaze and burn every-
thing it touched. We found it to be a liquid resembling
water. It was put up in four-ounce bottles securely sealed.
There were twelve dozen bottles in the valise. We were now
ready to create a sensation in New York. It had been agreed

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 273

that our fires would be started in _theJiotels, so as to do the
greatest damage in the business dis_tnct on Broadway. The
eight members'of our party had each taken a room at three
or four hotels. In doing this we would buy a black glazed
satchel for $i.oo and put an overcoat in it for baggage. The
room at each hotel was used enough to show that it was being
occupied. In leaving, of course the overcoat would be worn
and the satchel left behind empty.

It was agreed that our operations should begin promptly
at 8 o'clock p. m., so that the guests of hotels might all
escape, as we did not want to destroy any lives.

We separated to meet at the same place the next evening
at 6 o'clock, and then, as Captain Kennedy remarked to me,
"We'll make a spoon or spoil a horn."

CHAPTER XXVIII

Confederates attempt to burn business section of New York
City — Escape to Canada.

At 6 o'clock promptly on the evening of November 25,
1864, our party met in our cottage headquarters, two failing
to report.

The bottles of Greek fire having been wrapped in paper
were put in our coat pockets. Each man took ten bottles.
It was agreed that after our operations were over we should
secrete ourselves and meet here the next night at 6 o'clock
to compare notes and agree on further plans.

I had rooms at the Astor House, City Hotel, Everett
House, and the United States Hotel. Colonel Martin occu-
pied rooms at the Hoffman, Fifth Avenue, St. Denis, and
two others. Lieutenant Ashbrook was at the St. Nicholas,
La Farge, and several others. Altogether nineteen hotels
were fired, namely: Hoffman House, Fifth Avenue, St.
Denis, St. James, La Farge, St. Nicholas, Metropolitan,
Howard, Tammany, Brandreth's, Gramercy Park, Hanford,
New England, Belmont, Lovejoy's, City Hotel, Astor,
United States, and Everett.

I reached the Astor House at 7.20 o'clock, got my key, and
went to my room in the top story. It was the lower corner
front room on Broadway. After lighting the gas jet I hung
the bedclothes loosely on the headboard and piled the chairs,
drawers of the bureau and washstand on the bed. Then
stuffed some newspapers about among the mass and poured
a bottle of turpentine over it all. I concluded to unlock my
door and fix the key on the outside, as I might have to get
out in a hurry, for I did not know whether the Greek fire
would make a noise or not. I opened a bottle carefully and

Robert M. Martin
1866

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 275

quickly and spilled it on the pile of rubbish. It blazed up
instantly and the whole bed seemed to be in flames before I
could get out. I locked the door and walked down the hall
and stairway to the office, which was fairly crowded with
people. I left the key at the office as usual and passed out.

Across at the City Hotel I proceeded in the same manner.
Then in going down to the Everett House I looked over at
my room in the Astor House. A bright light appeared with-
in but there were no indications below of any alarm. After
getting through at the Everett House I started to the United
States Hotel, when the fire bells began to ring up town. I
got through at the United States Hotel without trouble, but
in leaving my key the clerk, I thought, looked at me a little
curiously. It occurred to me that it had been discovered
that my satchel had no baggage in it and that perhaps the
clerk had it in mind to mention the fact.

As I came back to Broadway it seemed that a hundred
bells were ringing, great crowds were gathering on the street,
and there was general consternation. I concluded to go and
see how my fires were doing. There was no panic at the
Astor House, but to my surprise a great crowd was pouring
out of Barnum's Museum nearly opposite the Astor. It was
now a quarter after nine o'clock by the City Hall tower clock.
Presently the alarm came from the City Hotel and the
Everett. The surging crowds were frantic. But the greatest
panic was at Barnum's Museum. People were coming out
and down ladders from the second and third floor windows
and the manager was crying out for help to get his animals
out. It looked like people were getting hurt running over
each other in the stampede, and still I could not help some
astonishment for I did not suppose there was a fire in the
Museum.

In accordance with our plan I went down Broadway and
turned across to the North River wharf. The vessels and
barges of every description were lying along close together
and not more than twenty yards from the street. I picked
dark spots to stand in, and jerked a bottle in six different

276 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

places. They were ablaze before I left. One had struck a
barge of baled hay and made a big fire. There were wild
scenes here the last time I looked back. I started straight
for the City Hall.

There was still a crowd around the Astor House and
everywhere, but I edged through and crossed over to the City
Hall, where I caught a car just starting up town. I got off
on Bowery street opposite the Metropolitan Hotel to go
across and see how Ashbrook and Harrington had succeeded.
After walking half a square I observed a man walking ahead
of me and recognized him. It was Captain Kennedy. T
closed up behind him and slapped him on the shoulder. He
squatted and began to draw his pistol, but I laughed and he
knew me. He laughed and said he ought to shoot me for
giving him such a scare.

We soon related to each other our experience. Kennedy
said that after he touched off his hotels he concluded to go
down to Barnum's Museum and stay until something turned
up, but had only been there a few minutes when alarms began
to ring all over the city. He decided to go out, and coming
down the stairway it happened to be clear at a turn and the
idea occurred to him that there would be fun to start a
scare. He broke a bottle of Greek fire, he said, on the edge
of a step like he would crack an egg. It blazed up and he got
out to witness the result. He had been down there in the
crowd ever since and the fires at the Astor House and the
City Hotel had both been put out. But he had listened to
the talk of the people and heard the opinion expressed gen-
erally that rebels were in the city to destroy it. He thought
our presence must be known. Harrington had broken a
bottle in the Metropolitan Theater at 8 o'clock, just after he
fired the Metropolitan Hotel adjoining; and Ashbrook had
done likewise in Niblo's Garden Theater adjoining the La
Farge Hotel.

We went into the crowd on Broadway and stopped at
those places to see what had happened. There was the
wildest excitement imaginable. There was all sorts of talk

John W. Headley
1865

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 277

about hanging the rebels to lamp posts or burning them at
the stake. Still we discovered that all was surmise appar-
ently. So far as we could learn the programme had been
carried out, but it appeared that all had made a failure. It
seemed to us that there was something wrong with our Greek
fire.

All had observed that the fires had been put out in all the
places as easily as any ordinary fire. We came to the con-
clusion that Longmire and his manufacturing chemist had
put up a job on us after it was found that we could not be
dissuaded from our purpose.

Martin and I got together as agreed and found lodging
about 2 o'clock. We did not awake until lo o'clock next
day. We went into a restaurant on Broadway near Twelfth
street for breakfast. It was crowded, but every one was
reading a newspaper. After giving our order we got the
Herald, World, Tribune , and Times, and to our surprise the
entire front pages were given up to sensational accounts of
the attempt to burn the city. It was plainly pointed out that
rebels were at the head of the incendiary work, and quite a
list of names was given of parties who had been arrested.
All our fictitious names registered at the different hotels were
given and interviews with the clerks described us all. The
clerk of the United States Hotel especially gave a minute
description of my personal appearance, clothing, manners
and actions. He said I did not eat a meal at the hotel, though
I had been there two days as a guest, and had nothing in my
black satchel.

It was stated in the papers that the authorities had a full
knowledge of the plot and the ring-leaders would be cap-
tured during the day. One paper said the baggage of two
of them had been secured, and all avenues of escape being
guarded the villains were sure to be caught, the detectives
having a full knowledge of the rebels and their haunts.

As soon as we finished breakfast we slipped out and took
a car on Bowery street for Central Park. Here we loafed,
and read the afternoon papers, which indicated that they

278 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

had some knowledge of our crowd, although from arrests
that had been made we thought the authorities were on a
cold trail.

We left the park at 4 o'clock in the afternoon to go
down town and get supper and see what appeared in the extra
editions which were being issued. As we reached Union
Square Martin suggested that he would get out at Mc-
Donald's piano store and see about our baggage, while I
would go on and order supper at a favorite restaurant on
Fourteenth street, by the time he arrived. The car was
halted in front of McDonald's ; Martin got off and started in
— there being two steps to ascend from the pavement to the
entrance, which was a vestibule. I noticed Miss Katie Mc-
Donald, the daughter of our friend, standing at a front
window looking out, and the moment she saw Colonel Mar-
tin she shuddered, and putting her hand, palm outward, be-
fore her face motioned him away. Martin saw the warning
and turned instantly, running to overtake our car. I halted it
and he came in, looking pale. He sat down without saying
a word but looked back casually.

When we reached the restaurant he told me that he saw
a big crowd in McDonald's store, just as Miss McDonald
gave him the sign and a look of horror. The last issue of
the Evening Post gave such particulars as to almost desig-
nate our crowd. The account said two had been arrested
and the police were close after the others, with every pros-
pect of securing the whole party. It stated that the plot of
"these rebels had been divulged to the authorities a month
before by a man from Canada, but on condition that he was
to receive one hundred thousand dollars for his information.
The authorities at Washington were willing to pay the price
provided the man could prove in any way that his story was
true. It appeared so ridiculous that the authorities did not
want to part with the money unless they received straight
goods. They finally agreed that the rebels should be pointed
out to detectives, who would follow us and investigate the
case, and, if the story was genuine, the money would be

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 279

paid. It stated that the detectives had been going with us
all over the city and related how we had spent our time. But
they had finally abandoned us as a lot of well-behaved young
men who seemed to be simply enjoying ourselves, and they
had never been able to trace us to any of the places Where
we would be supposed to go if we had any connection with
the New York "Sons of Liberty" who were under surveil-
lance. None of us was known in Canada as having ever been
engaged in any raid.

While our betrayer knew the facts he was imable to con-
vince the authorities. It happened that we had never been
about any one but McMasters and McDonald, and we did
not go to see McMasters but once after the detectives were
put on our track ; and were in McDonald's store only twice.
It appeared that the authorities had.Pnly given us up and
refused to trade witk_QurJietrayer a few days before we
started the fires.

Colonel Martin and I decided before leaving the restau-
rant that we had better meet our companions and arrange a
plan to get out of New York and back into Canada. At 6
o'clock we reached our cottage, and soon to our delight the
other boys put in an appearance. All had calculated that
some of the others had surely been arrested. All approved
the suggestion that we had better escape from the city at
once if possible. We found that a train left on the New
York Central Railroad at ii o'clock p. m., and that the
sleepers were open for passengers at 9 o'clock. After dis-
cussing a number of plans it was decided that we would go
and get in that sleeper the moment it was opened. As I re-
member now only two of the party had secured their baggage.

Our first trouble developed when we came to buy tickets.
We did not like the idea of approaching the waiting-room.
However, we went direct from the cottage to the depot and
found that tickets could be bought at 8 o'clock. Two of the
party who had boarded on a secluded street and were not
well known in Toronto ventured to buy the tickets and suc-
ceeded. We slipped into the sleeping-car at 9 o'clock. We

280 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

believed anyhow that all the policemen could not have a
knowledge of us and our greatest fear was from detectives.
We retired at once in our berths, but did not undress, and
kept a close watch out the windows until the time of depar-
ture. When the train backed into the station and back to the
sleeper there was a great crowd about the station and a num-
ber of men occasionally chatting, that we felt sure were
detectives. They scrutinized every passenger that entered
the train. We had examined the rear of our car and found
a way to get out in case of a fight and a chase.

Colonel Martin had said to me that in case they came on
to search for us he would open the ball and we would fight
out, with a chance to get mixed in the crowd and escape back
into the city. I supposed he had told the others the same
plan.

But to our great relief the train pulled out on time. Still,
we had a fear that a force might be on board to search the
train before we reached any outside stations. However, we
lay in waiting for more than an hour, when we felt safe and
undressed for much-needed rest and sleep.

We could only get tickets to Albany, which was the desti-
nation of this train. The next day was Sunday and no trains
rail from Albany to Niagara or Suspension Bridge on Sun-
day. We arrived at Albany about 6 o'clock Sunday morn-
ing and scattered among the hotels, where we spent the day
in our rooms. In the evening we took a sleeper on the
through train and crossed over the Suspension Bridge into
Canada before morning. We arrived at Toronto in the aft-
ernoon. That night Colonel Martin and I gave a full ac-
count of our operations in New York City to Colonel Jacob
Thompson, upon whose orders the enterprise had been
undertaken.

It is fair to all concerned to record the fact here that TEN
DAYS BEFORE THIS ATTEMPT OF CONFEDER-
ATES TO BURN NEW YORK CITY, GENERAL
SHERMAN HAD BURNED THE CITY OF AT-
LANTA, GEORGIA, AND THE NORTHERN PA-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 281

PERS AND PEOPLE OF THE WAR PARTY WERE
IN GREAT GLEE OVER THE MISERIES OF THE
SOUTHERN PEOPLE. I heard them talk every day in
New York, in restaurants, hotels and on the streets. A fair
expression of the feeling which prevailed is recorded by Gen-
eral Sherman himself. He says :

About 7 a. m. of November i6th (1864) we rode out of
Atlanta by the Decatur road, filled by the marching troops and
wagons of the 14th Corps ; and reaching the hill, just outside
of the old rebel works, we naturally paused to look back upon
the scenes of our past battles. We stood upon the very ground
whereon was fought the bloody battle of July 22d, and could
see the copse of wood where McPherson fell. BEHIND US
LAY ATLANTA, SMOULDERING AND IN RUINS, the
black smoke rising high in air, and hanging like a pall over the
RUINED CITY.

Some band, by accident, struck up the anthem of "J<^^^^
Brown's soul goes marching on" ; the men caught up the strain,
and never before or since have I heard the chorus of "GLORY,
GLORY, HALLELUJAH" DONE WITH MORE SPIRIT,
OR IN BETTER HARMONY OF TIME AND PLACE.

It was developed that Mr^^Godfrey J. Hyams of Little
Rock, Arkansas, was the traitor or spy in our camp. He
was a very smart fellow and had managed to establish the
closest confidential relations with Colonel Thompson. He
had known all the particulars of our mission before we
started to New York.

All could now understand how the other expeditions had
been betrayed. There had always been a mystery about the
betrayal of Captain Cole at Sandusky; and others at Chicago,
Boston and Cincinnati.

We found that Hyams had been mysteriously absent from
Toronto. He returned the day after we arrived, but quickly
discovered that he was getting a cold reception and quietly
left Toronto.

The New York papers continued to report discoveries
and the proceedings of the authorities. Mr. Horton, editor

282 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

and proprietor of the Day Book, and Mr. Henry W. Mc-
Donald were among those arrested. A reward of twenty-
five thousand dollars was offered for the incendiaries.

Miss Katie McDonald and a brother of Mr. Horton came
over to Toronto at once to solicit financial aid from Colonel
Thompson for the defense of McDonald and Horton, but
more especially to secure sworn testimony that neither was
connected in any way, by knowledge or act, with our attempt
to burn New York. Everything was furnished that would
help their cases and they were eventually released.

Two days after our arrival in Toronto, Colonel Thomp-
son came to my boarding-house one very cold night in a
snow-storm to tell me that a number of detectives from New
York had arrived in Toronto and were stopping at the
Queen's Hotel. Mr. Horton had recognized several of them
and they had casually inquired for Martin and me, Ashbrook
and Kennedy, of a gentleman who happened to be pur friend.
He reported to Colonel Thompson. Colonel Thompson ad-
vised that we seclude ourselves as there was danger of a
requisition from the Washington authorities for our arrest
and extradition.

W. Larry McDonald rented a small cottage in the suburbs
of the city and furnished it plainly. I went to stay with him.
We were joined by Charles C. Hemming, my young Con-
federate friend from Jacksonville, Florida, for whom I had
formed a strong attachment upon my arrival at Toronto.
We did our own house-keeping and cooking, and did not
venture to visit the hotels or other public places. All the
prominent actors in any previous expedition either secluded
themselves in the city or in the country.

Meanwhile, at the suggestion of Colonel Thompson it was
deemed advisable that we retain Hon. John McDonald as
counsel in the event of a requisition, as he was friendly to
our cause and was regarded as a very eminent lawyer. One
evening after supper Colonel Martin called for me and we
rode in a sleigh to the residence of Mr. McDonald in the
suburbs of Toronto. He greeted us cordially and we dis-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 283

cussed our case fully until a late hour. The arrangement
was made and a retainer fee was paid the following day.
But it happened that the time never arrived when his serv-
ices were required.

CHAPTER XXIX

Northwestern Confederacy vanishes — Plans exposed at Chicago
— ^Arrest of leaders — General report of Thompson upon all
operations — Failure conceded — Judge Buckner S. Morris and
Col. Vincent Marmaduke acquitted — R. T. Semmes and
Charles Walsh sentenced to penitentiary — Col. George St.
Leger Grenfel sentenced to be hung.

Colonel Thompson told us the story of the expedition to
Chicago under Captain Hines an(lolj[iie..fl^ttering jprospects
of success until they were betrayed. Not only the release of
8,000 prisoners confined at Camp" Douglas, but the success-
ful uprising of the "Sons of Liberty," and the establishment
of the Northwestern Confederacy, seemed assured.

Two days before the day of the election the Federal garri-
son was increased, and the commander being fully advised
he proceeded to capture the Confederates at their boarding
places. Hines, Eastin and many others escaped. A number
of leading commanders of the "Sons of Liberty" at Chicago
were arrested and all these parties were now confined in
prison.

The report of the Federal commander at Chicago will
give a fair account of the situation and of his action in
making arrests. It was as follows :

Headquarters Post^ Camp Douglas,

Chicago, Illinois, November 23, 1864.
Brig.-Gen. James B. Fry,

Provost-Marshal-General, Washington, D. C.

General: About the ist of November another expedition

of like character was organized in Canada, to be commanded by

Captain Hines and composed of the same elements as that which

had failed at the time of the Chicago convention. It was deter-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 285

mined that the attempt should be made about the period of the
Presidential election, and the night of that day was finally
designated as the time when the plot should be executed.
During the canvass which preceded the election the Sons of
Liberty (a secret organization within and beyond all doubt
unknown to the better portion and majority of the Democratic
party) had caused it to be widely proclaimed and believed that
there was an intention on the part of the Government, and great
danger that such intention would be carried into effect, to inter-
fere by military force at the polls against the Democratic party,
as an excuse under which to arm themselves as individuals, and
had also obtained and concealed at different places in this city,
arms and ammunition for themselves and the rebel prisoners of
war when they should be released. On the evening of the 5th
day of November it was reported that a large number of persons
of suspicious character had arrived in the city from Fayette and
Christian counties, in Illinois, and that more were coming. On
Sunday, the 6th day of November, late in the afternoon, it
became evident that the city was filling up with suspicious
characters, some of whom were escaped prisoners of war and
soldiers of the rebel army ; that Captain Hines, Colonel Grenfel,
and Colonel Marmaduke were here to lead ; and that Brigadier-
General Walsh, of the Sons of Liberty, had ordered large num-
bers of the members of that order from southern portions of
Illinois to cooperate with them. Adopting measures which
proved effective to detect the presence and identify the persons
of the officers and leaders and ascertain their plans, it was mani-
fest that they had the means of gathering a force considerably
larger than the little garrison then guarding between 8,000 and
9,000 prisoners of war at Camp Douglas, and that taking advan-
tage of the excitement and the large number of persons who
would ordinarily fill the streets on election night, they intended
to make a night attack on and surprise this camp, release and
arm the prisoners of war, cut the telegraph wires, burn the rail-
road depots, seize the banks and stores containing arms and
ammunition, take possession of the city, and commence a cam-
paign for the release of other prisoners of war in the States of
Illinois and Indiana, thus organizing an army to effect and give
success to the general uprising so long contemplated by the Sons
of Liberty. The whole number of troops for duty at- Camp
Douglas on that day were as follows : Eighth Regiment Veteran
Reserve Corps, Lieut.-Col, Lewis C. Skinner commanding, 273 ;
Fifteenth Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, Lieut.-Col. Martin
Flood commanding, 377; total infantry, 650; Twenty-fourth

286 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Ohio Battery, Lieut. James M. Gamble, 146 ; making a total of
796 to guard 8,352 prisoners of war confined in the garrison
square at this camp by a fence constructed of inch boards twelve
feet high.

The election was to take place on Tuesday, the.JBth, two days
thereafter.

By deferring action till the night of Monday, the 7th instant,
probably all the officers and leaders and many more of the men
and arms of the expedition might have been captured, and more
home rebels exposed, but such delay would have protracted the
necessary movements and attending excitement into the very
day of the Presidential election. The great interests involved
would scarcely justify taking the inevitable risks of postpone-
ment. Sending a despatch, dated 8.30 p. m., November 6th, by
messenger over the railroad, to Brig.-Gen. John Cook, com-
manding District of Illinois, a copy of which, numbered i, is
annexed to and made a part of this report, the following arrests
were made that night: Col. G. St. Leger Grenfel and J. T.
Shenks, an escaped prisoner of war, at the Richmond House;
Col. Vincent Marmaduke, at the house of Dr. E. W. Edwards,
No. 70 Adams street; Brig.-Gen. Charles Walsh, of the Sons
of Liberty ; Captain Cantrill of Morgan's command, and Charles
Travers, rank unknown, probably an officer under an assumed
name, at the house of General Walsh ; Judge Buckner S. Morris,
treasurer of the Sons of Liberty, at his house. No. 6 Washington
street ; also capturing at the same time, in Walsh's house, about
thirty rods from Camp Douglas, arms and ammunition as per
annexed schedule, numbered 2. The shotguns were all loaded
with cartridges, composed of 9 to 12 largest size buckshot, and
capped; the revolvers (Joslyn's patent, lo-inch barrel) also
loaded and capped. Reported to Brig.-Gen. John Cook, com-
manding District of Illinois, and Col. William Hoffman, com-
missary-general of prisoners, by telegraph despatch, dated Camp
Douglas, November 7, at 4 a. m., a copy of which is hereto
annexed, numbered 3, and made a part of this report. On the
morning of Monday, the 7th instant. Col. John L. Hancock,
commanding militia, by order of Governor Yates, reported to
me, and Col. R. M. Hough rapidly organized a mounted force,
of about 250, which was armed with the revolvers captured from
Walsh, reported and was assigned to duty as patrols in the city
of Chicago, remaining on duty till the morning of the 9th.
Captain Bjerg, military provost-marshal First District of
Illinois, the police of the city, and various detachments of the
garrison, under different officers, arrested during the day and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 287

night of the 7th instant 106 bushwhackers, guerrillas and rebel
soldiers, among them many of the notorious Clingman gang of
Fayette and Christian counties, in this State, and with their
Captain, Sears, and Lieutenant, Garland, all of whom are now
in custody at Camp Douglas.

On the nth of November 47 double-barreled shotguns, 30
Allen's patent breech-loading carbines, and i Enfield rifle were
seized at Walsh's barn, in city of Chicago. Finding from
investigation that the Sons of Liberty in this city continued to
meet and plot, on the night of Sunday, the 13th of November,
Patrick Dooley, secretary of the Temple in this city, was
arrested, and such papers as had not been destroyed, some of
them valuable, as showing the intents and purposes of the
organization, seized. On the night of Monday, November 14th,
the following named persons, members of the Sons of Liberty,
were arrested, viz : Obadiah Jackson, grand senior ; Charles W.
Patten, member of State Council ; William Felton, tyler or door-
keeper; James Gearry, a dangerous member; Richard T.
Semmes, nephew of Pirate Semmes ; Dr. E. W, Edwards, who
harbored Colonel Marmaduke ; all of whom remain in custody.

On the 15th instant a young Englishman from Canada, under
British protection papers, named Mongham, was arrested, who
proved to be a messenger between Jacob Thompson, Captain
Hines, Brigadier-General Walsh, and the guerrilla. Colonel
Jesse, of Kentucky.

An examination of many of the persons so arrested shows,
beyond all doubt, that the Sons of Liberty is a treasonable,
widely extended, and powerful organization, branching into
almost if not all the counties of the State ; that it is an organiza-
tion of two branches, one civil, the other military ; the members
of the civil being on probation for the military branch; that
important secrets in relation to military plans and the location
of the depots of arms were carefully guarded from persons of
civil membership, though they even well knew that the organi-
zation had such depots, and was animated with a spirit of intense
hostility to the Government ; that many of the leaders must have
known of the intended attack on this camp and city ; and that
some of them have actually been in consultation, face to face,
with men who they knew to be rebel officers conspiring to pro-
duce a revolution in the Northwest.

A schedule is hereto attached, numbered 4, which is believed
to contain the names of some of the leading and most dangerous
men belonging to this organization in the several counties in the
State of Illinois.

288 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

I respectfully recommend that the officers of the rebel army,
and as many of the Sons of Liberty and guerrillas above men-
tioned as the interests of the Government may require, be tried
before a military commission and punished.

^ H= ;ij Hi Jjt * *

I have the honor to be, General, very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,

B. J. Sweet,
Colonel Eighth Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, Commanding
Post.

Colonel Thompson was at this time greatly discouraged
over the prospects for retaliation upon the North or releasing
our prisoners of war. Since all the enterprises and expedi-
tions had failed, on account of the treachery of Hyams, or his
successful work as a spy in our camp, which had given the
United States detectives a familiar knowledge of all the lead-
ing Confederates who operated on the border, it seemed im-
practicable to make other attempts with the same men. He
expressed his views freely to those of us who were in his
confidence. He now concluded to make a general report of
all operations to Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State of the
Confederacy, which follows :

Toronto, C. W., December 3, 1864.
Hon. J. P. Benjamin,

Secretary of State.

Sir : Several times have I attempted to send you communi-
cations, but I have no assurance that any one of them has been
received. I have relaxed no effort to carry out the objects the
Government had in sending me here. I had hoped at different
times to have accomplished more, but still I do not think my
mission has been altogether fruitless. At all events we have
afforded the Northwestern States the amplest opportunity to
throw off the galling dynasty at Washington and openly to take
ground in favor of States' rights and civil liberty. This fact
must satisfy the large class of discontents at home of the readi-
ness and willingness of the Administration to avail itself of every
proffered assistance in our great struggle for independence.

On my arrival here I heard that there was such an organi-
zation as the order of the "Sons of Liberty" in the Northern
States, and my first effort was to learn its strength, its principles.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 289

and its objects, and if possible to put myself in communication
with its leading spirits. This was effected without much diffi-
culty or delay. I was received among them with cordiality, and
the greatest confidence at once extended to me. The number
of its members was large, but not so great as Mr. Holt, in his
official report, represented it to be. Its object was political.
Its principles were that the Government was based on the con-
sent of the parties to it ; that the States were the parties and were
sovereign ; that there was no authority in the General Govern-
ment to coerce a seceding State. The resolutions of 1798 and
1799 were set forth as presenting the true theory of the Govern-
ment. Its organization was essentially military. It had its
commanders of divisions, of brigades, of regiments, of com-
panies. In the month of June last the universal feeling among
its members, leaders and privates, was that it was useless to hold
a Presidential election. Lincoln had the power and would
certainly re-elect himself, and there was no hope but in force.
The belief was entertained and freely expressed that by a bold,
vigorous, and concerted movement the great Northwestern
States of Illinois, Indiana and Ohio could be seized and held.
This being done, the States of Kentucky and Missouri could
easily be lifted from their prostrate condition and placed on their
feet, and this in sixty days would end the war.

While everything was moving along smoothly to a supposed
successful consummation, the first interruption in the calculation
was the postponement of the meeting of the Democratic Con-
vention from the 4th of July to the 29th of August, but prepara-
tions still went on, and in one of the States the 20th of July was
fixed as the day for the movement ; but before the day arrived
a general council of the order from different States was called,
and it was thought the movement on the 20th of July would be
premature and the i6th of August was fixed upon for a general
uprising. This postponement was insisted on upon the ground
that it was necessary to have a series of public meetings to
prepare the public mind, and appointments for public peace
meetings were made, one at Peoria, one at Springfield, and one
at Chicago, on the i6th. The first one was at Peoria, and to
make it a success I agreed that so much money as was necessary
would be furnished by me. It was held and was a decided
success ; the vast multitudes who attended seemed to be swayed
but by one leading idea — peace. The friends were encouraged
and strengthened and seemed anxious for the day when they
would do something to hasten them to the great goal of peace.
About this time that correspondence between our friends and

290 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Horace Greeley made its appearance. Lincoln's manifesto
shocked the country. The belief, in some way, prevailed over
the North that the South would agree to a reconstruction, and
the politicians, especially the leading ones, conceived the idea
that on such an issue Lincoln could be beaten at the ballot-box.
At all events, they agreed that the trial of the ballot-box should
be made before a resort to force, always a dernier resort. The
Springfield meeting came off, but it was apparent that the fire
exhibited at Peoria had already diminished. The whole tone
of the speakers was that the people must rely upon the ballot-
box for redress of grievances. The nerves of the leaders of the
order began to relax. About this time a large lot of arms were
purchased and sent to Indianapolis, which was discovered, and
some of the leading men were charged with the design to arm
the members of the order for treasonable purposes. Treachery
showed itself at Louisville. Judge Bullitt and Dr. Kalbus were
arrested and sent to Memphis. The day on which the great
movement was to be made became known to Mr. McDonald,
candidate for Governor of Indiana, and believing it would mar
his prospects for election unless prevented, he threatened to
expose all the parties engaged unless the project was abandoned.
Thus the day passed by and nothing was done.

The Chicago convention came, the crowd was immense, the
feeling was unanimous for peace. A general impression
prevailed that a reconstruction could be had and that it was
necessary to so far pander to the military feeling as to take
General McClellan to secure a certain success. This nomina-
tion, followed as it was by divers disclosures and arrests of
persons, prominent members, totally demoralized the ''Sons of
Liberty." The feeling with the masses is as strong as ever.
They are true, brave, and, I believe, willing and ready, but they
have no leaders. The vigilance of the Administration, its large
detective force, the large bounties paid for treachery and the
respectable men who have yielded to the temptation, added to
the large military force stationed in those States, make organi-
zation and preparation almost an impossibility. A large sum
of money has been expended in fostering and furthering these
operations and it now seems to have been to little profit. But
in reviewing the past I do not see how it could have been
avoided, nor has it been spent altogether in vain. The appre-
hensions of the enemy have caused him to bring back and keep
from the field in front at least 60,000 to watch and browbeat the
people at home. In this view of the subject the same amount
of money has effected so much in no other quarter since the
commencement of the war.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 291

In July last Capt. Charles H. Cole, of General Forrest's com-
mand, made his escape from prison. He represented to me that
he had been appointed a lieutenant in our Navy. I sent him
around the Lakes, with instructions to go as a lower-deck
passenger, to familiarize himself with all the channels, and
different approaches to the several harbors, the strength of each
place, the depositories of coal, and especially to learn all that
he could about the steamer Michigan, and devise some plan for
her capture or destruction. This duty he performed very satis-
factorily. He was then instructed to return and put himself in
communication with the officers of the Michigan, and feeling his
way, to endeavor to purchase the boat from its officers. For a
time he thought he would succeed in this, if he could give the
guarantee of payment of the sum stipulated; but by degrees
the question was dropped, and he asked permission to organize
a force, board and take her. This was given and Acting Master
John Y. Beall was sent him to aid in the organization, and in
carrying out the enterprise. Their plan was well conceived and
held out the promise of success. It had been previously ascer-
tained from escaped prisoners from Johnson's Island that an
organization existed among the prisoners of the island for the
purpose of surprising the guard and capturing the island. The
presence of the steamer Michigan, which carried fourteen guns,
was the only obstacle.

Secret communications were had by which they were advised
that on the night of the 19th of September an attempt to seize
the Michigan would be made. On that night Captain Cole, who
had previously established the friendliest relations with the
officers of the steamer, was to have a wine drinking with them
on board, and at a given hour Acting Master Beall was to
appear, on a boat to be obtained for that purpose, with a
sufficient body of Confederate soldiers to board and take the
steamer. Should they capture the steamer, a common shot sent
through the officers' quarters on Johnson's Island was to signify
to the prisoners that the hour for their release had come.
Should they take the island, boats were to be improvised and
Sandusky was to be attacked. If taken, the prisoners were to
be mounted and make for Cleveland, the boats cooperating, and
from Cleveland, the prisoners were to make Wheeling and
thence to Virginia. The key to the whole movement was the
capture of the Michigan. On the evening of the 19th, by some
treachery. Cole was arrested and the messenger who was to
meet Acting Master Beall at Kelley's Island did not reach him.
Disappointed, but nothing daunted. Acting Master Beall, having

292 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

possession of the Philo Parsons, passenger steamer from Detroit
to Sandusky, went on toward Johnson's Island. Having landed
at Middle Bass Island to secure a supply of wood, the steamer
Island Queen, with a large number of passengers and thirty-two
soldiers, came up alongside and lashed herself to the Parsons.
An attack was at once resolved upon. The passengers and
soldiers were soon made prisoners and the boat delivered up to
our men. The soldiers were regularly paroled, the passengers
were left on the island, having given their promise not to leave
for twenty-four hours, and the boat was towed out into the lake
and sunk. The Parsons was then steered directly for the bay
of Sandusky. Here the men, for certain reasons not altogether
satisfactory, but possibly fortunately, refused to make the attack
on the Michigan. Beall returned, landed at Sandwich, C. W.,
and the men scattered through the country. Most of them have
returned to the Confederate States ; but a few days since Acting
Master Bennett G. Burley was arrested, and the trial is now
going on for his delivery under the extradition treaty. If we
had Cole's, Beall's, or his own commission I would not fear the
result. As it is they will have to prove that they acted under
my orders, and that will in all probability secure his release, but
it may lead to my expulsion from the Provinces. At least I
have it from a reliable source that this last proposition has been
pressed upon the Canadian authorities and they have considered
it. Should the course of events take this direction, unadvised
by you, I shall consider it my duty to remain where I am and
abide the issue. I should prefer, if it be possible, to have your
views on the subject. Captain Cole is still a prisoner on John-
son's Island.

In obedience to your suggestion, so far as it was practicable,
soon after my arrival here, I urged the people in the North to
convert their paper money into gold and withdraw it from the
market. I am satisfied this policy was adopted and carried into
effect to some extent, but how extensively I am unable to state.
What eflfect it had on the gold market it is impossible to estimate,
but certain it is that gold /:ontinued to appreciate until it went
to 290. The high price may have tempted many to change their
policy, because afterward gold fell in the market to 150. When
it was about 180, and exportation of gold was so small that there
appeared to be but little or no demand for it, Mr. John Porter-
field, formerly a banker in Nashville, but now a resident of
Montreal, was furnished with $100,000, and instructed to pro-
ceed to New York to carry out a financial policy, of his own
conception, which consisted in the purchase of gold and export-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 293

ing- the same, selling it for sterling bills of exchange, and then
converting his exchange into gold. This process involved a
certain loss, the cost of transshipment. He was instructed by
Mr. Clay and myself to go on with his policy until he had
expended $25,000, with which he supposed he would ship
directly $5,000,000, and induce others to ship much more, and
then, if the effect upon the gold market was not very perceptible,
he was to desist and return to Canada and restore the money
unexpended. By his last report he had caused the shipment of
more than $2,000,000 of gold at an expense of less than $10,000,
but it seems that a Mr. Lyons, who had been a former partner
of Porterfield, was arrested by General Butler on the ground
that he was exporting gold, and although Mr. Lyons had no
connection with Porterfield in this transaction, yet he thought
it prudent to return to Canada, and while he retains the unex-
pended balance of the $25,000 to carry out his instructions, he
has restored $75,000. I must confess that the first shipment
had a marked effect on the market. I am inclined to the opinion
that his theory will work great damage and distrust to the
Federal finances, if vigorously followed up, and if no untoward
circumstances should interfere with the operation.

Soon after I reached Canada a Mr. Minor Major visited me
and represented himself as an accredited agent from the Con-
federate States to destroy steamboats on the Mississippi River,
and that his operations were suspended for want of means. I
advanced to him $2,000 in Federal currency, and soon after-
wards several boats were burned at Saint Louis, involving an
immense loss of property to the enemy. He became suspected,
as he represented to me, of being the author of this burning,
and from that time both he and his men have been hiding and
consequently have done nothing.

Money has been advanced to Mr. Churchill, of Cincinnati,
TO ORGANIZE A CORPS FOR THE PURPOSE OF
INCENDIARISM IN THAT CITY. I consider him a true
man, and although as yet he has effected but little, I AM
IN CONSTANT EXPECTATION OF HEARING OF
EFFECTIVE WORK IN THAT QUARTER.

Previous to the arrival of LIEUTENANT-COLONEL
MARTIN AND LIEUTENANT HEADLEY BRINGING
AN UNSIGNED NOTE FROM YOU all the different places
where our prisoners are confined — Camp Douglas, Rock Island,
Camp Morton, Camp Chase, Elmira — had been thoroughly
examined, and the conclusion was forced upon us that all efforts
to release them without an outside cooperation would bring

294 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

disaster upon the prisoners and result in no good. All projects
of that sort were abandoned, except that at Camp Douglas,
where Captain Hines still believed he could eifect their release.
We yielded to his firmness, zeal, and persistence, and his plans
were plausible, but treachery defeated him before his well-laid
plans were developed. Having nothing else on hand. Colonel
Martin expressed a wish to organize A CORPS TO BURN
NEW YORK CITY. HE WAS ALLOWED TO DO SO
AND A MOST DARING ATTEMPT HAS BEEN MADE
TO FIRE THAT CITY, BUT THEIR RELIANCE ON
THE GREEK FIRE HAS PROVED A MISFORTUNE.
IT CANNOT BE RELIED ON AS AN AGENT IN SUCH
WORK. I have no faith whatever in it, and no attempt shall
hereafter be made under my general directions with any such
material.

I knew nothing whatever of the raid on St. Albans until after
it transpired. Desiring to have a boat on whose captain and
crew reliance could be placed, and on board of which arms could
be sent to convenient points for arming such vessels as could be
seized for operations on the lakes, I aided Dr. James T. Bates,
of Kentucky, an old steamboat captain, in the purchase of the
steamer Georgiana. She had scarcely been transferred when
the story went abroad that she had been purchased and armed
for the purpose of sinking the Michigan, releasing the prisoners
on Johnson's Island, and destroying the shipping on the Lakes
and the cities on their margin. The wildest consternation pre-
vailed in all the border cities. At Buffalo two tugs had cannon
placed on board ; four regiments of soldiers were sent there, two
of them represented to have been drawn from the Army of
Virginia. Bells were rung at Detroit and churches broken up
on Sunday. The whole lake shore was a scene of wild excite-
ment. Boats were sent out which boarded the Georgiana, and
found nothing contraband on board, but still the people were
incredulous. The bane and curse of carrying out anything in
this country is the surveillance under which we act. Detectives,
or those ready to give information, stand on every street corner.
Two or three cannot interchange ideas without a reporter.

The Presidential election has so demoralized the leaders of
the order of the "Sons of Liberty" that a new organization under
new leaders has become an absolute necessity. This is now
going forward with great vigor and success. The new order
is styled the "Order of the Star." There is a general expecta-
tion that there will soon be a new draft, and the members swear
resistance to another draft. It is purely military, wholly inde-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 295

pendent of politics and politicians. It is given out among the
members that Stonewall Jackson is the founder of the order,
and the name has its significance from the stars on the collars
of Southern officers. There is no ground to doubt that the
masses to a large extent of the North are brave and true, and
believe Lincoln a tyrant and usurper. During my stay in
Canada a large amount of property has been destroyed by
burning. The information brought me as to the perpetrators
is so conflicting and contradictory that I am satisfied that noth-
ing can be certainly known.

Should claims be presented at the War Office for payment
for this kind of work, not one dollar should be advanced on any
proof adduced until all the parties concerned may have an
opportunity for making out and presenting proof. Several
parties claim to have done the work at Saint Louis, New
Orleans, Louisville, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, and at Cairo.

Within the last few days. Dr. K. L Stewart, of Virginia, has
reached this place, and very mysteriously informs me that he
has a plan for the execution of something which has received
the sanction of the President. He is in want of money and
states to me that you gave him a draft on me for $20,000 in gold,
which has been lost on the way. He has sent back to Richmond
for a renewal. He has rented a large house and moved his
family into it. I cannot doubt his word, but of course I do not
feel authorized to advance him money without your authority
or that of the President. I have, however, been constrained to
advance him $500 in gold, on his written statement that unless
the money was in hand the lives and liberties of high Confed-
erate officers would be imperiled.

Owing to the health of Mr. Clay, we separated at Halifax,
and since then we have not lived together, though we have been
in consulting distance. As the money was all in my name,
which I supposed to be controlled by us jointly, and as he
desired to have a sum placed in his hands, at all times subject
to his personal control, I transferred to him $93,614, for which
I hold his receipts, and for which he promises to account to the
proper authorities at home. Including the money turned over
to Mr. Clay, all of which he has not yet expended, the entire
expenditures as yet on all accounts are about $300,000. I still
hold three drafts for $100,000 each, which have not been
collected.

Should you think it best for me to return I would be glad to
know in what way you think I had best return the funds
remaining in hand. I INFER FROM YOUR PERSONAL

296 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

IN THE NEW YORK NEWS THAT IT IS YOUR WISH
I SHOULD REMAIN HERE for the present, and I shall obey
your orders. Indeed I have so many papers in my possession,
which in the hands of the enemy would utterly RUIN and
DESTROY very many of the PROMINENT MEN IN THE
NORTH, that a due sense of my obligations to them will force
on me the extremest caution in my movements.

For the future, discarding all dependence on the organiza-
tions in the Northern States, our efforts, in my judgment, should
be directed to inducing those who are conscripted in the North,
and who utterly refuse to join the army to fight against the
Confederate States, to make their way south to join our service.
It is believed by many that at least a number sufficient to make
up a division may be secured in this way for our service before
spring, especially if our army opens up a road to Ohio. Some
are now on their way to Corinth, which at present is the point
of rendezvous. Also to operate on their railroads and force the
enemy to keep up a guard on all their roads, which will require
a large standing army at home, and to hum zvhenever it is
practicable, and thus make the men of property feel their inse-
curity and tire them out with the war. THE ATTEMPT ON
NEW YORK HAS PRODUCED A GREAT PANIC,
WHICH WILL NOT SUBSIDE AT THEIR BIDDING.
This letter, though long, does not, I am aware, report many
things of minor importance which have occurred since my
sojourn in Canada, but I shall omit them at present.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. Thompson.

The trial and conviction of the Confederates and the
leaders of the "Sons of Liberty," who were arrested at
Chicago on the 6th of Navenab.e.rj..j86.4, took place before a
military commission at Cincinnati, Ohio, under the auspices
of General Hooker. The official proceedings were as
follows :

General Orders, No. 30.

Headquarters Northern Department,

Cincinnati, Ohio, April 21, 1865.
I. Before a military commission, which convened at Cin-
cinnati, Ohio, January 11, 1865, pursuant to Special Orders, No.
278, series of 1864, and Nos. 4 and 8, current series, from these

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 297

headquarters, and of which Col. Charles D. Murray, Eighty-
ninth Regiment Indiana Volunteer Infantry, is president, were
arraigned and tried :

Charles Walsh, Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke,
and R. T. Semmes, citizens.

Charge i. Conspiring, in violation of the laws of war, to
release the rebel prisoners of war confined by authority of the
United States at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, 111.

Specification. — In this, that they, the said Charles Walsh,
Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, R. T. Semmes,
Charles Travis Daniel, George E. Cantrill, G. St. Leger Grenfel,
and Benjamin M. Anderson, did unlawfully and secretly con-
spire and agree among themselves, and with one Captain Hines,
so called, alias Doctor Hunter, of the Confederate Army, and
others, in violation of the laws of war, to release the rebel pris-
oners of war, then confined by the authority of the United States
at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, 111., numbering between 8,000
and 9,000 persons, by suddenly attacking said camp on or about
the evening of the 8th of November, anno Domini 1864, with
a large number of armed men, overpowering the guard and
forces then and there stationed on duty, seizing the cannon and
arms in the possession of said guard and forces for the purpose
of guarding and defending said camp, forcibly opening the gates
of said prison camp and removing all obstructions to the suc-
cessful escape of said prisoners confined within its limits. This,
at or near Chicago, in the State of Illinois, within the military
lines and the theater of military operations of the Army of the
United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against
the authority of the United States, and on or about the ist
day of November, anno Domini 1864.

Charge 2. Conspiring, in violation of the laws of war, to lay
waste and destroy the city of Chicago, 111.

Specification. — In this, that they, the said Charles Walsh,
Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, R. T. Semmes, Charles
Travis Daniel, George E. Cantriil, G. St. Leger Grenfel, and
Benjamin M. Anderson, did unlawfully and secretly conspire
and agree among themselves, and with one Captain Hines,
so called, alias Doctor Hunter, of the Confederate Army, and
others, in violation of the laws of war, to lay waste and destroy,
on or about the evening of the 8th of November, anno Domini
1864, the city of Chicago, 111., by capturing the arsenal in said
city, cutting the telegraph wires, burning the railroad depots,
taking forcible possession of the banks and public buildings, and
leaving the city to be sacked, pillaged, and burned by the rebel

298 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

prisoners of war confined at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, 111.,
which prisoners were to be forcibly released by them on or about
the date above mentioned. This, at or near Chicago, in the
State of Illinois, within the military lines and the theater of
military operations of the Army of the United States, at a period
of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United
States, and on or about the ist day of November, anno Domini
1864.
To which each of the accused pleaded not guilty.

FINDING OF THE COMMISSION.

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence
adduced, find the accused, Buckner S. Morris, (not guilty.)

And the commission do, therefore, acquit him, the said
Buckner S. Morris.

FINDING AND SENTENCE.

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence
adduced, find the accused, Charles Walsh, (guilty on all
charges.)

And the commission do, therefore, sentence him, Charles
Walsh, to be imprisoned for the term of five years, at such place
as the commanding general may direct, said imprisonment to
date from the 7th day of November, 1864.

FINDING AND SENTENCE.

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence
adduced, find the accused, R. T. Semmes, (guilty on all
charges.)

And the commission do, therefore, sentence him, the said
R. T. Semmes, to be imprisoned at hard labor at such place as
the commanding general may direct for the term of three years.

FINDING OF THE COMMISSION.

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence
adduced, find the accused, Vincent Marmaduke, (not guilty.)

And the commission do, therefore, acquit him, the said
Vincent Marmaduke.

II. The proceedings, findings, and sentences in the foregoing
cases of Charles Walsh, Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marma-
duke, and Richard T. Semmes, are approved and confirmed.
The penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, is designated as the place
of confinement (at hard labor) of the prisoners Charles Walsh

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 299

and Richard T. Semmes. The post commandant of Cincinnati,
Ohio, is charged with their immediate removal and deHvery to
the officer in charge of the said penitentiary. The prisoner,
Buckner S. Morris, will be released upon taking the oath of
allegiance. The prisoner, Vincent Marmaduke, having been
acquitted, has been released upon taking the oath of allegiance.

O.H.Hart,

Lieutenant-Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General.
By command of Major-General Hooker.

General Court-Martial Orders, No. 250.

War Department,
Adjutant-General^s Office,

Washington, May 26, 1865.

n. In the case of R. T. Semmes, citizen, sentenced by a mili-
tary commission "to be imprisoned at hard labor at such place
as the commanding general may direct for the term of three
years," and now confined in the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio,
as promulgated in General Orders, No. 30, Headquarters
Northern Department, Cincinnati, Ohio, April 21, 1865, the
sentence is remitted, and he will be released from confinement
without delay.

By order of the President of the United States.

E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

Col. George St. Leger Grenfel was tried at the same time
by the same commission, upon the same charges and speci-
fications, with the following result, to-wit :

sentence.

And the commission does, therefore, sentence him, G. St.
Leger Grenfel, citizen, to be hung by the neck until he is dead,
at such time and place as the commanding general may direct,
two-thirds of the members concurring therein.

n. The proceedings of the commission in the above case
were forwarded by the reviewing officer, Major-General Joseph
Hooker, for the action of the President of the United States.
The following are his orders :

"Executive Mansion, July 22, 1865.
"The proceedings and findings in the case of G. St. Leger
Grenfel are hereby approved, but, in consideration of the recom-

300 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

mendation of members of the court, and of the successful
progress of the Government in suppressing the rebelHon, and
in accordance with the suggestion of the Judge-Advocate-
General, the sentence is hereby commuted to imprisonment for
life, at hard labor, at the Dry Tortugas, or such other place as
the Secretary of War may designate.

"Andrew Johnson,

"President."

III. Maj.-Gen. E. O. C. Ord, U. S. Volunteers, command-
ing Department of the Ohio, is ordered to send the prisoner, G.
St. Leger Grenfel, under charge of a commissioned officer, with
a sufficient guard, to the Dry Tortugas, Fla., designated as the
place of imprisonment, where he will be delivered to the com-
manding officer of the post, who is hereby ordered to confine
said Grenfel at hard labor during the period designated in his
sentence as commuted.

E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.
By order of the Secretary of War.

War Department_, Bureau of Military Justice,

June 8, 1866.
G. St. Leger Grenfel, Fort Jefferson, Fla.

Sir : Your application for remission of sentence, forwarded
by General Hill to the Adjutant-General April 8, has been duly
considered by the President in connection with the record of
your trial, and I am instructed by him to inform you that it has
been decided not to extend Executive clemency to your case.*
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. Holt,
Judge-Advocate-General.

*It appears from the records that Grenfel escaped from Fort Jefferson,
Fla., March 7, 1868.

CHAPTER XXX

Expedition to Buffalo and Dunkirk, New York, to rescue Con-
federate generals on train — Proclamations of General Dix —
Efforts to capture the express car — Capture of Captain Beall
and George S. Anderson at Suspension Bridge.

There appeared nothing to do now, since all our attempts
everywhere had failed. But Colonel Thompson received in-
formation from Sandusky, Ohio, that sevexLof our generals
who -wev^-mr pr-i-son at Jahnson's Island were to be removed
to Fort. Lafayette, New York, on the 15th of December.
They were Major-Generals Edward Johnson and J. R. Trim-
ble; Brigadier-Generals J. J. Archer, M. Jeff. Thompson, J.
R. Jones, W. N. R. Beall, and I. W. Frazier. Colonel
Thompson sent for Martin and me on the morning of the
13th. He was anxious that these generals should escape or""^
be released on the train en route. He thought that we, wifKS* \
Captain Beall and a few others, might rescue them if it could
be done at all. He said he would not direct us to go unless
we had confidence and were willing to undertake the enter-
prise. We promptly volunteered, and he agreed to get Beall,
who was still farther west. He had not been about Toronto.
The others selected were Lieut. James T. Harrington, Capt.
Robert Cobb Kennedy, Lieut. John T. Ashbrook, Charles C.
Hemming of Florida, George S. Anderson of Pittsylvania
County, Virginia; W. P. Rutland of Nashville, Tennessee;
and Forney Holt of Memphis, Tennessee. Martin, Beall,
and Headley made up the party of ten men.

Colonel Thompson directed that after taking the train we~]
should immediately arm the generals and use our judgment N
after that time, until Captain Beall with a few men should 1
secure all the money in the express safe, when he and Mar-

302 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

tin would at once give a reasonable amount to each of the
generals, and each member of the party, for we might be
obliged to scatter in Ohio or New York. It was distinctly
understood that nothing should be taken that belonged to
passengers, but, if passengers interfered, we would shoot
them the same as we would shoot the Federal guards of the
prisoners. It was agreed that no human being should have
any knowledge whatever of our expedition except the men
composing it. All knew that United States detectives were
constantly watching our movements.

The men went in pairs to Buffalo on Saturday night the
13th and Sunday the 14th of December. Martin an4 I went
on the same train on Saturday night, getting og at Hamilton,
Canada, a little city on Lake Ontario. Here Beall was to
join us. He had arrived and retired when we reached the
hotel late at night and we did not meet him until the next
morning. We spent the day in Beall's room, where our plans
/Were matured to capture the train between Sandusky and
j Buffalo by surprising the guards and taking their arms.
\ We would then leave the passenger coaches behind on the
track between the two stations. After cutting the telegraph
wires we would run to Buffalo if near that place, otherwise
we would scatter on trains in different directions. We in-
tended to have the generals to change clothing with pas-
sengers of the same size and Colonel Martin would pay the
difference.

We had never met Beall before, but fell in love with him.
at once. He was a modest, unassuming gentleman. I soon
observed that he did not talk to entertain but was a thinking
man and was resourceful and self-possessed. He did not
get excited in relating an exciting episode and only smiled
at amusing stories when others laughed aloud. And yet he
was an interesting companion.

Sunday afternoon, the 14th, we went on, crossed the
Suspension Bridge, and made connection for Buffalo. There
we stopped at the Genesee House. I saw George Anderson
in the office and gave him a sign to follow me outside, which

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 303

he did, and then up-stairs to our room, where Colonel Martin
posted him upon the plans for capturing the train. The
other members of our party were also seen and all arrange-
ments were made to leave the next morning for Dunkirk in
time to meet the eastbound train from Cleveland on which
we expected the generals to come.

The following "Proclamation" appeared among the tele-
graphic despatches in the newspapers of Buffalo next morn-
ing, the 15th:

Headquarters, Department of the East,
/ New York City, December 14th, 1864.

/ General Orders, No. 97.

'"^ Information having been received at these headquarters that
the rebel marauders who were guilty of murder and robbery at
St. Albans, have been discharged from arrest, and that other
enterprises are actually in preparation in Canada, the Com-
manding-General deems it due to the people of the frontier
towns to adopt the most prompt and efficient measures for the
security of their lives and property.

.ALL MILITARY COMMANDERS ON THE FRON-
/"TIER ARE THEREFORE INSTRUCTED IN CASE
FURTHER ACTS OF DEPREDATION AND MURDER
ARE ATTEMPTED, WHETHER BY MARAUDERS, OR
PERSONS ACTING UNDER COMMISSIONS FROM
THE REBEL AUTHORITIES AT RICHMOND, TO
SHOOT DOWN THE DEPREDATORS IF POSSIBLE
WHILE IN THE COMMISSION OF THEIR CRIMES;
or if it be necessary with a view to their capture to cross the
boundary between the United States and Canada, said com-
manders are directed to pursue them wherever they may take
refuge, and if captured, they are under no circumstances, to be
surrendered, but are to be sent to these headquarters for trial
\xand punishment by martial law.

The Major-General commanding this department will not
hesitate to exercise to the fullest extent the authority he
possesses, under the rules of war exercised by all civilized
States, in regard to persons organizing hostile expeditions
within neutral territory, and fleeing to it for an asylum after
committing acts of depredation within our own ; such an exer-
cise of authority having become indispensable to protect our
cities and towns from incendiarism, and our people from rob-
bery and murder.

304 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It is earnestly hoped that the inhabitants of our frontier
districts will abstain from all acts of retaliation on account of
the outrages committed by rebel marauders, and that the proper
measures of redress will be left to the action of the public
authorities.

By command of Major-General Dix:

D. T. Van Buren, C. A. A. G.

It therefore appeared that if any of us were caught we
\yere to be shot down and if we escaped to Canada we would
be pursued into that country by troops of the United States
and brought back for trial by a court martial.

All were promptly at the depot the next morning, the 1 5th,
and in pairs boarded the train for Dunkirk, New York, on
the Lake Shore Railroad. All stopped there except Colonel
Martin, who went on to Erie, Pennsylvania. It was under-
stood that he would return on the train which conveyed the
Confederate generals, and the rest of us, meanwhile, were
to kill time in Dunkirk. It was agreed that Beall and I
should make safe inquiries at Dunkirk and learn if possible
whether the generals had already passed over the road for
the east. Colonel Martin proposed to do the same at Erie
and be governed accordingly. It was intended that we
should board the train bearing the prisoners and capture it
within a short distance of Buffalo, then we would derail the
coaches and run the engine and express car within two miles
of the city and derail them also. Our party and the generals
were then to go into Buffalo and depart on any train west
or south for a reasonable distance and go in pairs on their
own judgment by the safest route to Canada and report at
Toronto to Colonel Thompson.

We went around the depot and watched for Colonel Mar-
tin on the arrival of every passenger train going east. He
appeared on the arrival of the second train and beckoned us
to come aboard. He had learned at Erie that the Confederate
generals had not been sent east yet.

It now seemed prudent to secrete our party in Buffalo and
watch the incoming trains from Sandusky for the generals
and then go on the same train when they left Buffalo. Still,

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 305

the order of General Dix had put us in greater peril, and it
was decided by Martin and Beall that we could not afford
to risk ourselves long in one place. It was therefore decided
that if the generals did not arrive the next morning we would
go out in sleighs and find a level place on the road to halt
the next train. We would then mix into the crowd and
make inquiries as though we had been driving and had
halted on the road to learn their trouble.

If we found the generals on board we would talk with the
guards about the mishap just as if we were passengers on the
train.

Martin was to give the signal for our attempt on the
guards. He intended to get hold of the officer in charge at
the beginning and then try to make him surrender the others,
while the rest of us would get the drop on the guards at each
door. The generals were to be quickly armed, and after
changing overcoats with passengers, the engineer would be
taken in charge to run into the suburbs of Buffalo, where
Martin would get off with the generals and force the engi-
neer to run back into the country. Then after obstructing
the road the party would proceed on their judgment to
Canada. Meanwhile, the rest of us would hurry back to the
city in the sleighs and endeavor to be in time for the Niagara
train. If the train should be stopped by an obstruction and
get damaged then we intended to secure conveyances for the
generals, in the neighborhood, so as to reach Buffalo ahead
of the passengers.

We spent the night in Buffalo. Next morning, after it
appeared that the generals did not arrive, Martin, Beall,
Anderson and myself rode out in a double-seated sleigh
about four miles to a place where our road crossed the rail-
road track. There was no house near by and it was decided
that we would come here early that night and halt the train.
We would then detach the coaches, carry out our plan of
the night before, and after derailing or disabling the engine,
get in our sleighs, and reach the city in time to catch the train
for Canada. We went back to the city and arranged that

306 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

two sleighs, containing all our party, would meet in the
suburbs at 5 p. m. We reached the appointed place on the
road and secreted our conveyances in a wood near by. Col-
onel Martin concluded to put an iron rail in a fence gap and
cover it with snow to stop the train if it did not stop when
signaled with a lantern; but before we got ready the train
came and went by without any trouble, throwing the iron rail
about fifty yards. But it was jarred, and stopped about two
hundred yards distant, and one or two men started back with
lanterns. We hurried back to the city and took the train
for Suspension Bridge, where we were obliged to wait an
hour for the train from New York on the Central Railroad.

It had been agreed that on our arrival here we were imme-
diately to walk across the bridge and wait on the Canada
side for our train. Martin and I were the first to go. When
the train came over and stopped at the station we got on, but
could find none of our comrades. We did not understand
their failure to come, and got off, thinking this must be the
wrong train. Some time after another train came over but
still none of our party could be found. We learned from
the depot agent that the regular train went by in the first
instance and the next train was not due till morning. The
night was spent at a hotel. We found none of the men on
the morning train and concluded to go on to Hamilton, where
Beall had left his baggage. Nothing could be heard of Beall
or any of the others in Hamilton. We went on to Toronto
and found Ashbrook, Kennedy, Holt and Rutland had
arrived. They were on the regular train the night before
but we had overlooked them. They said they were worn
out and were asleep perhaps when we came in their car.

Colonel Thompson sent a messenger to the Suspension
Bridge and Niagara station. New York, to inquire for the
missing members of the party.

It was learned in this way that Captain John Yates Beall
and George S. Anderson, his companion, had been arrested
while asleep, by policemen, in the eating-room where Martin
and I had left them when we walked across the bridge.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 307

The last to make his appearance of the others missing was
Charles C. Hemming. He found himself pursued before he
could cross the bridge, and escaped finally, reaching Fre-
donia, New York, where he was concealed by a stranger,
but a friend, a Miss Mary Gumming.

Strange, but true. Miss Gumming visited Florida, in 1865,
and meeting the father of young Hemming, who was a
widower, they were married. She was still living, 1901, in
Fredonia, New York, at about 80 years of age.

Another proclamation had been issued by General Dix
revoking that part of his proclamation of the 14th, which
directed the pursuit into Ganada. It was as follows:

Headquarters, Department of the East,

New York Gity, December 17th, 1864.
General Orders No. 100.

The President of the United States having disapproved of
THAT PORTION OF DEPARTMENT GENERAL
ORDER No. 97, current series, which instructs military com-
manders on the frontier, in certain cases therein specified, TO
GROSS THE BOUNDARY LINE BETWEEN THE
UNITED STATES AND GANADA, AND DIREGTS
PURSUIT INTO NEUTRAL TERRITORY, THE SAID
INSTRUGTION IS HEREBY REVOKED.

In case, therefore, of any future marauding expedition into
our territory from Ganada, military commanders on the frontier
will report to these headquarters for orders, BEFORE
GROSSING THE BOUNDARY LINE IN PURSUIT OF
GUILTY PARTIES.

By command of Major-General Dix:

D. T. Van Buren, Gol. and A. A. G.
(Official)

Gharles O. Jobiel, Major and Aide-de-Gamp.

CHAPTER XXXI

Situation in Canada and in the Confederacy — Sherman's march
through Georgia and occupation of Savannah.

The ill-fated expedition to Buffalo and Dunkirk ended the
active operations against the enemy by the "Raiders from
Canada." The most of the Confederates began to depart for
the South upon the advice of Colonel Thompson. None of
us had ever been paid any wages in Canada. In fact, none
were due except in Confederate money when we returned
to the Confederacy. Colonel Thompson furnished money
for expenses only in Canada and for the journey south.

All the negotiations for peace which had been entered into
between Thompson, Clay, Holcomb and Sanders, of the
South, and Greeley, Black, and others, for the North, had
failed.

All the efforts of Confederates at Chicago, under Hines
and Castleman, which promised so much, had failed.

The plan of Cole and Beall to capture the gunboat
Michigan, which would have given the mastery of the Lakes
to the Confederates, had failed.

The mission of the Confederates to New York City under
Martin had failed.

The success of either of these undertakings it was believed
would have ended the war.

The failures could only be attributed to the treachery of

/ Godfrey J. Hyams who, as all now believed, had furnished

full information of the plans, of every movement, to the

United States authorities at Washington, or to their chief

\ of detectives in Toronto.

Now many of our best men were in prison. Burley at
Toronto. Cole at Sandusky. Young and his comrades
at Montreal. Beall and Anderson in New York City.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 309

Grenfel, Shenks, Marmaduke, Cantrill and Travers at
Chicago, besides Walsh and Morris of the "Sons of Liberty,"
at Chicago; and Horton, McDonald, and others in New
York.

It appeared that the Confederate Department in Canada
was without practical purposes for a longer existence except
to wind up its business and the protection of our friends
who were in prison. Mr. Clay had been in Toronto a number
of times in conference with Colonel Thompson in reference
to the defense of our comrades who were in prison and
some of them on trial, or awaiting trial, at Montreal.

Lieutenant Young and seven of his comrades had been
arrested and arraigned in the Police Court at Montreal,
November 7, for trial for extradition, upon the charge of
robbery, to the authorities of Vermont, on the requisition of
President Lincoln. A delay of thirty days had been granted
to enable Young and his men to secure evidence from Rich-
mond that they were Confederate soldiers and acting under
orders from the Confederate Government in making the raid
on St. Albans. When the case was next called, December 7,
the police judge conceded that his court did not have juris-
diction and the prisoners were discharged. But a warrant
was issued by the Superior Court for Young and his twenty
men. Young and four others had been arrested and were
now in prison,

Burley was on trial at Toronto for extradition to the
United States on a requisition of President Lincoln.

Lieutenant S. B. Davis of Delaware had volunteered at
Richmond to come through to Canada and bring a document
from President Davis to Colonel Thompson, in which the
President assumed all the responsibility for the expedition
of Beall and Burley on Lake Erie, to be used in Burley's trial.
Davis also brought a letter from the Secretary of the Navy,
as follows :

310 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

CONFEDEBLA.TE StATES OF AMERICA,

Navy Department,
Richmond, December 19, 1864.
Hon. J. Thompson, Toronto, C. W.

Sir: I have received your letter of the 28th ult., and in
compHance with your request I inclose a duplicate of Acting
Master Bennett G. Burley's appointment.

He was captured by the enemy in November last, and was
confined in Fort Delaware as a prisoner of war. I have learned
within a short time that he escaped from that place some time
during the summer. The attention of the Federal authorities
was called to his capture shortly after it occurred, and were
informed, through our Agent of Exchange, that he was an
officer in the Navy of the Confederate States.

I have sent through his friends here a duplicate of Acting
Master Beall's appointment, which I trust will reach him. He
is also an officer of the Navy.

Captain Cole is not an officer of the Navy, and as he is in
confinement at Johnson's Island, he had better rely on his com-
mission in the Army, and I have referred your letters to the
Secretary of War, requesting him to send a duplicate of his
commission, if he held one.

I am, respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

S. R. Mallory,
Secretary of the Navy.

Lieutenant Davis was a young officer of the highest char-
acter in intelligence and daring. I met him several times
during the few days he remained in Toronto. Colonel
Thompson arranged with him to go through to Richmond
and return with the certificates which would be needed in the
trial of Lieutenant Young and the other prisoners at
Montreal. Mr. Clay had found since the trial of Lieutenant
Young began that he might himself be arrested upon a requi-
sition from the United States for having authorized the
raid upon St. Albans by Lieutenant Young and receiving the
captured money as the agent of the Confederate States. It
was deemed best that this proceeding should not occur. The
Canadian Government was now in a panic and was willing
to extradite Confederates upon a reasonable pretext through

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 311

fear of the United States. In fact, the Confederates were
exposing the Canadians to the bitter enmity of the United '
States. It was not because of any breach of the treaty but
because the people along the border had discovered that thei-^
Confederates were in earnest and might do incalculable dam-
age. The United States felt compelled to stop these incur-
sions and the best means conceived was to threaten the
^-rGanadians. This was done with success. The Canadian
I Government not only voted $50,000 to the St. Albans banks,
! but the Queen's Counsel were chief attorneys for the United
'- States against Lieutenant Young and his comrades. None/
of us felt comfortable in Canada at this time, although it
seemed that a majority of the citizens were enthusiastic'
friends of the South.

In view of the apparent determination of the Canadian
Government to influence the courts to surrender Confeder-
ates to the United States it was now Colonel Thompson's
determination to stand by them to the bitter end.

While the attorneys of the United States were demanding
proof from Richmond that Young and his men were Confed-
erates, every possible effort was made to prevent a messenger
from going to Richmond for the very papers that were
demanded. Colonel Thompson despatched four different
messengers on this errand in the interest of Young and his
men. They all volunteered to go on the journey.
/ The leading Confederates who were at Chicago under
/Hines, for the operations on the day of the November elec-
/ tion, did not return to Toronto. And most of those who had
/ been there had departed for the Confederacy. The few who
^^Ifemained seldom appeared in public places. I still enjoyed
life in the secluded cottage with Hemming and McDonald.
But of evenings I generally mingled in the throng of skaters
on Toronto Bay. This was to me the most delightful recrea-
tion in Canada.

The situation in the Confederacy was extremely gloomy.
The failure of the campaign of General Hood in Tennessee
had destroyed apparently the last hope of that ill-fated de-

312 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

partment. The army of General Lee was holding Richmond
and Petersburg- against the double numbers of General
Grant's army, but General Hood had left General Sherman
in Georgia without opposition. In his masterful position
General Sherman threw off his mask and brought the war
directly home to the non-combatants, beginning with the
women and children of Atlanta.

MORE THAN A MONTH BEFORE LIEUTENANT
YOUNG MADE THE RAID ON ST. ALBANS, VER-
MONT, General Sherman had ordered all the inhabitants
to leave Atlanta. His order led to the following corre-
spondence :

Atlanta, Georgia, September ii, 1864.
Major-General W. T. Sherman.

Sir: We the undersigned, Mayor and two of the Council
for the city of Atlanta, for the time being the only legal organ
of the people of the said city, to express their wishes and wants,
ask leave most earnestly but respectfully to petition you to
reconsider the order requiring them to leave Atlanta.
*******

Many poor women are in advanced state of pregnancy, others
now having young children, and whose husbands for the
greater part are either in the army, prisoners, or dead. Some
say: "I have such a one sick at my house; who will wait on
them while I am gone?" Others say: "What are we to do?
We have no home to go to, and no means to buy, build, or rent
any ; no parents, relatives or friends, to go to." Another says :
"I will take this or that article of property, but such and such
things I must leave behind, though I need them much." We
reply to them : "General Sherman will carry your property to
Rough and Ready, and General Hood will take it thence on."
And they will reply to that : "But I want to leave the railroad
at such a place, and cannot get conveyances from there on."

We only refer to a few facts, to try to illustrate in part how
this measure will operate in practice. As you advanced, the
people north of this fell back; and before your arrival here, a
large portion of the people had retired south, so that the country
south of this is already crowded, and without houses enough to
accommodate the people, and we are informed that many are
now staying in churches and outbuildings.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 313

This being so, how is it possible for the people still here
(mostly women and children) to find any shelter? And how
can they live through the winter in the woods — no shelter or
subsistence, in the midst of strangers who know them not, and
without the power to assist them much, if they were willing to
do so?

This is but a feeble picture of the consequences of this
measure. You know the woe, the horrors, and the suffering
cannot be described by words ; imagination can only conceive
of it, and we ask you to take these things into consideration.

SfC ^ ^ ^ 'fC 3]C 2fC

Respectfully submitted,

James M. Calhoun, Mayor,
E. E. Rawson, Councilman,
S. C. Wells, Councilman.

General Sherman replied as follows :

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi,
In the Field, Atlanta, Georgia, September 12, 1864.
James M. Calhoun, Mayor, E. E. Rawson and S. C. Wells,

representing City Council of Atlanta.

Gentlemen: I have your letter of the nth, in the nature
of a petition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabitants
from Atlanta. I have read it carefully, and GIVE FULL
CREDIT TO YOUR STATEMENTS OF THE DIS-
TRESS THAT WILL BE OCCASIONED, AND YET
SHALL NOT REVOKE MY ORDERS, BECAUSE THEY
WERE NOT DESIGNED TO MEET THE HUMANI-
TIES OF THE CASE, but to prepare for the future struggle
in which millions of good people outside of Atlanta have a deep
interest.

Now that war comes home to you, you feel very different.
You deprecate its horrors, but did not feel them when you sent
carloads of soldiers and ammunition, and moulded shells and
shot, to carry war into Kentucky and Tennessee, to desolate
the homes of hundreds and thousands of good people who only
asked to live in peace at their homes, and under the Government
of their inheritance. But these comparisons are idle.

NOW YOU MUST GO, AND TAKE WITH YOU THE
OLD AND FEEBLE, FEED AND NURSE THEM, AND
BUILD FOR THEM, IN MORE QUIET PLACES,

314 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

PROPER HABITATIONS TO SHIELD THEM
AGAINST THE WEATHER UNTIL THE MAD PAS-
SIONS OF MEN COOL DOWN, AND ALLOW THE
UNION AND PEACE ONCE MORE TO SETTLE OVER
YOUR OLD HOMES AT ATLANTA.
Yours in haste,

W. T. Sherman,
Major-General Commanding.

TEN DAYS BEFORE THE CONFEDERATES
attempted to fire New York City, General Sherman burned
Atlanta and started on his "March through Georgia."

The particulars were published in the newspapers, daily,
of this "grand move through Georgia," but it will be fair to
General Sherman and his army to let him tell the story of
their operations. General Sherman left Atlanta in ruins and
began his march on the i6th day of November, 1864, after
issuing the following field order to his army.

(Special Field Orders, No. 120.)

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi,
In the Field, Kingston, Georgia, November 9, 1864.

^ ^ SjC 5|« 2fC SfC 3fC

The army will forage liberally on the country during the
march.

:^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ii:

TO CORPS COMMANDERS ALONE IS INTRUSTED
THE POWER TO DESTROY MILLS, HOUSES, COT-
TON-GINS, ETC. ; and for them this general principle is laid
down : In districts and neighborhoods WHERE THE ARMY
IS UNMOLESTED, no destruction of such property
SHOULD BE PERMITTED ; but should GUERRILLAS or
BUSHWHACKERS MOLEST OUR MARCH, or
SHOULD THE INHABITANTS BURN BRIDGES,
OBSTRUCT ROADS, or OTHERWISE MANIFEST
LOCAL HOSTILITY, the army commanders SHOULD
ORDER AND ENFORCE A DEVASTATION MORE OR
LESS RELENTLESS, according to the measure of SUCH
HOSTILITY.

6. As for the horses, mules, wagons, etc., belonging to the
inhabitants, the cavalry and artillery may appropriate freely

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 315

and without limit; discriminating, however, between the rich,
who are usually hostile, and the poor and industrious, usually-
neutral or friendly.

*******

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman:

L. M. Dayton, Aide-de-Camp.

General Sherman says in his "Memoirs" :

McLaws's division was falling back before us, and we occa-
sionally picked up a few of his men as prisoners, who insisted
that we would meet with strong opposition at Savannah.

On the 8th, as I rode along, I found the column turned out
of the main road, marching through fields. Close by, in the
corner of a fence, was a group of men standing around a hand-
some young officer, whose foot had been blown to pieces by a
torpedo planted in the road. He was waiting for a surgeon to
amputate his leg, and told me he was riding along with the
rest of his brigade-staff of the Seventeenth Corps, when a
torpedo trodden on by his horse had exploded, killing the horse
and literally blowing off all the flesh from one of his legs. I
saw^ the terrible wound, and made full inquiry into the facts.
There had been no RESISTANCE AT THAT POINT,
NOTHING TO GIVE WARNING OF DANGER, AND
THE REBELS HAD PLANTED EIGHT-INCH SHELLS
IN THE ROAD, WITH FRICTION MATCHES TO
EXPLODE THEM BY BEING TRODDEN ON. THIS
WAS NOT WAR, BUT MURDER, AND IT MADE ME
VERY ANGRY. I immediately ordered A LOT OF REBEL
PRISONERS TO BE BROUGHT FROM THE PRO-
VOST GUARD, ARMED WITH PICKS AND SPADES,
AND MADE THEM MARCH IN CLOSE ORDER
ALONG THE ROAD, SO AS TO EXPLODE THEIR
OWN TORPEDOES, or to discover and dig them up.
THEY BEGGED HARD, BUT I REITERATED THE
ORDER, AND COULD HARDLY HELP LAUGHING AT
THEIR STEPPING SO GINGERLY along the road, where
it was supposed SUNKEN TORPEDOES MIGHT EX-
PLODE AT EACH STEP, but they found no other torpedoes
UNTIL NEAR FORT McALISTER.

At this time the following correspondence took place be-
tween General Sherman and General Halleck :

316 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Headquarters of the Army,

Washington, December i8, 1864.
Maj.-Gen. W. T. Sherman, Savannah (via Hilton Head).

My Dear General: Yours of the 13th, by Major Ander-
son, is just received. I congratulate you on your splendid
success, and shall very soon expect to hear of the crowning
work of your campaign — the capture of Savannah. Your
march will stand out prominently as the great one of this war.
When Savannah falls, THEN FOR ANOTHER WIDE
SWATH through the CENTER OF THE CONFEDERACY.
BUT I WILL NOT ANTICIPATE. General Grant is
expected here this morning, and will probably write you his
own views.

Should you capture Charleston, I hope by some ACCIDENT
the place may be destroyed, and if a little salt should be sown
upon its site, it may prevent the growth of future crops of
nullification and secession.

Yours truly,

H. W. Halleck,
Major-General, Chief of Staff.

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi,
In the Field, Savannah, December 24, 1864.
Major-General H. W. Halleck, Chief -of -Staff, Washington,

D. C.

General : * * * To be sure, Jeff. Davis has his people
under pretty good discipline, but I think faith in him is much
shaken in Georgia, and BEFORE WE HAVE DONE WITH
HER SOUTH CAROLINA WILL NOT BE QUITE SO
TEMPESTUOUS.

I WILL BEAR IN MIND your hint as to Charleston, and
do not think *'SALT" will be necessary. When I move, the
Fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the right wing, and their
position will naturally bring them into Charleston first ; and, if
you have MARKED THE HISTORY OF THAT CORPS,
you will have remarked that they generally DO THEIR
WORK PRETTY WELL. THE TRUTH IS, THE
WHOLE ARMY IS BURNING WITH AN INSATIABLE
DESIRE TO WREAK VENGEANCE UPON SOUTH
CAROLINA. I ALMOST TREMBLE AT HER FATE,
BUT FEEL THAT SHE DESERVES ALL THAT SEEMS
IN STORE FOR HER. Many and many a person in Georgia
asked me why we did not go to South Carolina, and, when I

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 317

answered that we were en route for that State, the invariable
reply was, ''Well, if you will make those people feel the utmost
severities of war, we will pardon you for your desolation of
Georgia."

I LOOK UPON COLUMBIA as quite as bad as Charleston,
and I doubt if we will spare the public buildings there as we did
at Milledgeville.

W. T, Sherman,

Major-General.

General Sherman says further :

The truth is fully given in an original letter of President
Lincoln, which I received at Savannah, Georgia, and have at
this instant before me, every word of which is in his own
familiar handwriting. It is dated —

"Washington, December 26, 1864.

5j! ***** *

"WHEN YOU WERE ABOUT LEAVING ATLANTA
FOR THE ATLANTIC COAST, I was anxious, if not
fearful ; but, feeling that you were the better judge, and remem-
bering 'nothing risked, nothing gained,' I did not interfere.
Now, the undertaking BEING A SUCCESS, THE HONOR
IS ALL YOURS ; for I believe NONE OF US went further
than to ACQUIESCE; and, taking the work of General
Thomas into account, as it should be taken, it is indeed a great
success. Not only does it afford the obvious and immediate
military advantages, but, in showing to the world that your
army could be divided, PUTTING THE STRONGER PART
TO AN IMPORTANT NEW SERVICE, and yet leaving
enough to vanquish the old opposing force of the whole. Hood's
army, it brings those who sat in darkness to see a great light.
BUT WHAT NEXT? I SUPPOSE IT WILL BE SAFER
IF I LEAVE GENERAL GRANT AND YOURSELF TO
DECIDE.

"A. Lincoln.''

Apart from the "grand move" of General Sherman there
was a reign of terror and scenes of devastation and pillage on
a smaller scale in all parts of the Confederacy where Federal
troops occupied the country. A few insertions are given
that indicate the Federal policy, though hundreds might be

318 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

quoted. The newspapers were full of accounts of the opera-
tions and the people and soldiers of both sections were per-
fectly familiar with the facts at the time the incidents
occurred.

But only the orders and reports of the most prominent
officers of the Federal army are given as follows :

Headquarters in the Field,

Monocacy, Md., August 5, 1864.
Maj.-Gen. D. Hunter,

Commanding Department of West Virginia.
General: Concentrate all your available forces without
delay in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry.

In pushing up the Shenandoah Valley, as it is expected you
will have to go first or last, it is desirable that NOTHING
SHOULD BE LEFT to invite the enemy to return. Take all
provisions, forage, and stock wanted for the use of your com-
mand ; such as cannot be consumed, destroy. It is not desirable
that buildings should be destroyed, they should rather be pro-
tected, but the people should be informed that so long as any
army can subsist among them recurrences of these raids must
be expected and we are determined to stop them at all hazards
* * * giving regular vouchers for such as may be taken
from loyal citizens.

Very respectfully,

U. S. Grant,

Lieutenant-General.

Berryville, Va., August 17, 1864.
Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant,

Commanding Armies of the United States:
All despatches have been received.

:jc * s(j * H« * *

The cavalry engagement in front of Front Royal was
splendid; it was on open ground. The saber was freely used
by our men.

* H: * * * * *

Mosby has annoyed me and captured a few wagons. We
hung one and shot six of his men yesterday. I have burned
all wheat and hay, and brought off all stock, sheep, cattle,
horses, etc., south of Winchester.

P. H. Sheridan,

Major-Genefal.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 319

City Point, Va., August 26, 1864,
2.30 P. M.
Major-General Sheridan,

Halltown, Va. :
*******

Do all the damage to railroads and crops you can. Carry off
stock of all descriptions, and negroes, so as to prevent further
planting. If the war is to last another year we want the
Shenandoah Valley to remain a barren waste.

U. S. Grant,

Lieutenant-General.

Cedar Creek, October 11, 1864,
7 P. M.

*******

Lieutenant-Colonel Tolles, my Chief Quartermaster and
Assistant Surgeon ; Emil Ohlenschlauger, Medical Director on
my staff, were both mortally wounded by guerrillas to-day on
their way to join me from Winchester; they were ambuscaded.
Three men were killed and five wounded out of an escort of
twenty-four.

The refugees from Early's army, cavalry and infantry, are
organizing guerrilla parties and are becoming very formidable
and are annoying me very much. I KNOW OF NO WAY
TO EXTERMINATE THEM EXCEPT TO BURN OUT
THE WHOLE COUNTRY and let the people go north or
south. If I attempt to capture them by sending out parties,
they escape to the mountains on fleet horses.

P. H. Sheridan,

Major-General.

Report of property captured and destroyed, Major-General
Sheridan commanding, during the campaign commencing
August 10, 1864, and ending November 16, 1864:

Horses 3.772 Wheat (bushels) 435»8o2

Mules 545 Oats (bushels) 20,000

Flour Mills 71 Corn (bushels) 77,oi7

Woolen Mill i Flour (barrels) 874

Saw Mills 8 Hay (tons) 20,397

Barns 1,200 Fodder (tons) 500

Furnaces 7 Straw (tons) 450

Tanneries 4 Beef Cattle 10,918

320 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Calves 250 Bacon and Hams (lbs.) 12,000

Sheep 12,000 Potatoes (bushels).... 2,500

Swine 15,000

>]( <)C ^ 2jC 2|C !]C 'fC

P. H. Sheridan,
Major-General U. S. Army, Commanding.

The operations of General Sheridan were the occasion of
a letter of thanks as follows :

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1864.
Major-General Sheridan:

With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army,
the thanks of the Nation, and my own personal admiration and
gratitude, for the month's operations in the Shenandoah Valley,
and especially for the splendid work of October 19, 1864.
Your obedient servant,

Abraham Lincoln.

CHAPTER XXXII

Trials of Confederates in progress — Lieut. S. B. Davis cap-
tured— Bennett G. Burley ordered to be extradited to United
States — Colonel Thompson writes to Confederate minister in
England — British Government interferes and saves Burley —
Ashbrook and Kennedy depart for the Confederacy — Lieu-
tenant Davis sentenced to be hung — Colonel Thompson
appeals to President Lincoln and Secretary of War Stanton
on merits of the case — Successful proceedings in behalf of
Davis — Capture, trial and execution of Kennedy.

The trial of John Yates Beall was now in progress before
a military commission in New York City ; also that of Ben-
nett G. Burley before the Recorder at Toronto; and that of
Lieutenant Bennett H. Young and others at Montreal.

A sensational despatch was published in the morning pa-
pers at Toronto, on the 15th of January, 1865, announcing
that Lieut. S. B. Davis, en route from Toronto to Richmond,
had been captured at Newark, Ohio. He was searched and
his despatches from Colonel Thompson to the authorities at
Richmond were found. Under these circumstances Davis
confessed that he was an officer in the Confederate Army and
explained his presence in Ohio. He was sent to Cincinnati
to be tried by court martial.

The trial of Acting Master Bennett G. Burley ended by a
decision of the Recorder, at Toronto, that while Burley was
a Confederate officer and that the Confederate Government
assumed all responsibility, yet that Burley was guilty of
unlawful warfare on Lake Erie. It was therefore ordered
by the Recorder that Bjirley should be^urrendered to the
authorities of the United States. An appeal was taken to
the Supreme Court of Canada, which sustained the Recorder,
but meanwhile Colonel Thompson had written the follow-
ing letter to the Confederate Minister in England :

322 confederate operations

Toronto, Canada West,

January 21, 1865.
Hon. James M. Mason, Minister C. S. A., London.

Sir : Inclosed I send you copies of the evidence in the case
of Acting Master Bennett G. Burley, and the judgment of the
Recorder of this city as committing magistrate. I think you
will agree with me that in this case not only is a great outrage
about to be perpetrated on a citizen, but a great wrong is to be
done and an insult offered to the Confederate States. You will
observe that in the United States Burley is charged with piracy ;
in the proceedings in Canada he is charged with robbery.
Burley is admitted on all hands to have been a belligerent, and
he was engaged in a warlike expedition under the order of the
Confederate Government. While the Recorder admits him to
have acted in this character, yet while so acting he did an act
not considered by the Recorder justified by the usages and
practices of war. I wish to call the attention of the proper
authorities of England to this case, and, if possible, induce them
to instruct the Governor-General of Canada, by whom alone
Burley can be extradited, to withhold this warrant of extra-
dition. You will perceive by the manifesto of the President
"that the Government of the Confederate States of America
assumes the responsibility of answering for the acts and con-
duct of any of its officers engaged in said expedition, and
especially of the said Bennett G. Burley." In the event of a
refusal to interfere and release the said Burley, I hope you will
protest in the name of the Confederate States against his extra-
dition. If you will refer to the history of the extradition treaty,
you will observe that President Tyler expressly excludes from
its application all such cases as the present. (See message of
1842, communicating treaty to the Senate.) The parties deny
having violated the neutrality laws of Great Britain, and are
perfectly willing to be tried on such a charge, and abide the
issue. Let me hear from you as soon as possible. Mr.
Cameron, our counsel in the case, believes the matter of extra-
dition can be put off until the Imperial Government shall have
an opportunity to be heard from.

I am, with great respect.

Your obedient servant,

J. Thompson,
Commissioner C. S. A.

While Mr. Mason had not been received officially as the
Confederate Minister, yet his representations and presenta-
tion of the record of the trial resulted in an order from the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 323

British Government to the Governor-General of Canada to
hold up the delivery of Bennett G. Burley to the United
States. After an investigation by the British authorities,
Burley was set free in Canada.

It seemed almost impossible now for a Confederate to leave
Canada for the South without being followed by detectives,
as Davis had been'; but Lieut. John T. Ashbrook and Capt.
Robert Cobb Kennedy, the last of our friends to go, con-
cluded to attempt the journey to the Confederacy. They
bade us good-by and left on the Grand Trunk Railway,
going west to Lake St. Clair, and crossed over to St. Clair
station in Michigan, where they connected with a train going
southward and west of Detroit. They started on the trip
through Michigan in the early part of the night. The
weather was extremely cold and a deep snow covered the
ground. In entering the coach Kennedy and Ashbrook were
unable to find seats together. Kennedy took the first vacant
seat on entering the car while Ashbrook went on and finally
found one near the front end of the car and next to the win-
dow. They had traveled for about an hour when Ashbrook
looking back observed two men enter the rear door and go
straight to Kennedy. Without saying a word they seized him
by each arm and made him a prisoner, as Ashbrook could
see. There was some confusion among the passengers in
adjacent seats though none got up. Kennedy submitted
without a struggle. There was nothing else to do. Ash-
brook could not afford to await events. The two men had
pistols drawn. One of them looked forward a moment as
if to locate him. He decided not to wait for any one to
come in at his end of the car. It did not appear that he could
successfully go to the rescue of Kennedy ; and the question
was as to how he could escape without risking an exit out
of the front door, where he might expect to meet opposi-
tion from that direction. He raised his window-sash, put one
leg out, ducked his head and out he went in the darkness.
Although the train was flying fortune favored Ashbrook.
He fell upon the side of an embankment in the snow and

324 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

rolled down into a ditch. When he got up he found that he
had not sustained any injury whatever. He had alighted on
his side as he aimed to do. The train sped away leaving him
in the darkness, but he was greatly relieved to escape alive
and sound. Still he must immediately find a highway where
his tracks would be erased before morning or before pur-
suers would find his trail. He succeeded, before walking
far, in reaching a farm-house, and early next morning was
conveyed across the country to a station on another railroad,
where he caught a train and reached Cincinnati in safety.
Here he found friends and readily made his way across
Kentucky to the Confederacy.

The two men who arrested Kennedy were United States
detectives who had gone all the way from Toronto with
Ashbrook and Kennedy. And except for the hasty exit of
Ashbrook his arrest would have followed in a few minutes
by others from a forward coach who had been telegraphed
to come on board in Michigan.

Meanwhile, Lieutenant Davis was tried by court martial
at Cincinnati, declared to be guilty as a spy, and was ordered
to be hung on the 17th day of February, at Johnson's Island.

Colonel Thompson addressed a letter to President Lincoln
in behalf of Lieutenant Davis as follows :

Toronto, Canada, February 2, 1865.
To His Excellency, A. Lincoln, President of the United
States.

Sir: The telegraph announces that Lieut. S. B. Davis,
identified at Newark, Ohio, confessed, on his arrest, to being
the bearer of important despatches from Richmond to Canada,
has been sentenced to be hung at Johnson's Island on the 17th
of February. Another paper states that Lieutenant Davis has
been condemned as a spy. This young man's life is in your
hands, and I hope you will allow me to discharge a duty I owe
to you, to myself, to Lieutenant Davis, to justice, and to
humanity, to demonstrate fully the facts in the case, so far as
they are known to me, on honor.

Lieutenant Davis is a citizen of the State of Delaware, and
has been for some time an officer in the Confederate service.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 325

No braver or truer soldier can be found in either army. He
is a gentleman of education, true in all his transactions, and
beloved and respected by all who know him. In the trial of
Acting Master Bennett G. Burley, a case for extradition, the
Recorder at Toronto has postponed the investigation for thirty
days to enable the accused to obtain certain documentary evi-
dence deemed important to his defense, from Richmond. The
Government at Richmond was duly, informed of this. Mr.
Burley's counsel deemed these documents essential, and Lieu-
tenant Davis volunteered to bring them to Canada. As he was
pressed for time, he came direct through the United States and
reached here in six days, which was regarded a most expedi-
tious trip. It was impossible for him on this trip to have acted
the spy in any sense of that term. He remained here but three
days in all. Lieutenant Davis was directed to return by the
most certain route to Richmond, with all possible despatch, in
order that the authorities might furnish the documents asked
for by the counsel of the accused. The whole object and aim
of his coming here was to obtain the proofs deemed necessary
to secure the administering of justice to his former companion
in arms. As I received the despatches he brought and wrote
those he carried, I know every word in them, and as every word
related to the case then undergoing judicial investigation, there
could have been no objection to your reading them; hence I
know that, however much you may desire to crush out the
Confederate States Government, it must be repugnant to your
sense of right and justice and humanity to pursue individuals
with unnecessary harshness. When Lieutenant Davis was
arrested he was on the very route he had advised me he would
take in order to avoid all contact with the military authorities.
He was expecting to gain no information with respect to the
movements of your armies, nor do I believe he sought to do so.
As a private citizen speaking to one clothed with authority, I
ask you to spare this young man's life, not from any favor to
me, but for the sake of justice, humanity, and all the conditions
which control intercourse between hostile people. You have a
right to retain him as a prisoner of war, but I declare on honor
he is not a spy.

Very respectfully yours,
(Signed.) Jacob Thompson.

He also wrote a similar letter to Hon. E. M. Stanton, Sec-
retary of War of the United States. The letter to Stanton

326 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

contained some reference to the past. Thompson and
Stanton had served together in the Cabinet of President
James Buchanan. Davis was saved and finally set at liberty.
Captain Kennedy was forwarded to New York City, where
he was imprisoned in Fort Lafayette. His trial by military
commission was promptly held. I am unable to present the
names or testimony of the witnesses but give the result as
follows :

Headquarters Department of the East,

New York City, March 20, 1865.
General Orders No. 24.

I. Before a military commission, which convened at Fort
Lafayette, New York Harbor, and at New York City, by virtue
of Special Orders, No, 14, current series, from these head-
quarters, of January 17, 1865, and of which Brig.-Gen. Fitz-
Henry Warren, U. S. Volunteers, is president, was arraigned
and tried :

ROBERT C. KENNEDY.

Charge i; Acting as a spy.

Specification i. — In this, that Robert C. Kennedy, a captain
in the military service of the insurgent States, was found acting
as a spy in the city of New York, in the State of New York, on
or about the ist day of November, 1864.

Specification 2. — In this, that Robert C. Kennedy, a captain
in the military service of the insurgent States, was found acting
as a spy in the city of Detroit, in the State of Michigan, on or
about the 29th day of December, 1864.

Charge 2. Violation of the laws of war.

Specification. — In this, that Robert C. Kennedy, a captain in
the military service of the insurgent "States, undertook to carry
on irregular and unlawful warfare in the city and State of New
York, and in the execution of said undertaking attempted to
burn and destroy said city of New York by setting fire thereto.
All this in said city of New York on or about the 25th day of
November, 1864.

To which charges and specifications the accused pleaded not
guilty.

The verdict was guilty on all the charges.

[

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 327

SENTENCE.

And thereupon the commission sentence him, said Robert C.
Kennedy, captain in the miUtary service of the insurgent States,
to be hanged by the neck until dead, at such time and place as
the general in command of the department may direct, two-
thirds of the members concurring therein.

11. The major-general commanding approves the proceed-
ings, finding, and sentence of the court. It is shown by the
testimony :

1. That the accused has been an officer in the service of the
insurgent States since August, 1861.

2. That he was in the city of New York in disguise, and under
a false name, in the month of November, several weeks immedi-
ately preceding the attempt to set the city on fire.

3. That he was here for a purpose which he refused to dis-
close, and that he returned hastily by night to Canada.

4. That he stated in the presence of several persons that he
set fire to Barnum's Museum and to one of the "down-town"
hotels.

5. That he was arrested at Detroit in disguise, armed with a
revolver, traveling under a false name, and with a passport
representing himself to be a loyal citizen.

On proof of these facts he was convicted of acting as a spy
and carrying on irregular and illegal warfare. The person who
testified to his confession of having set on fire Barnum's
Museum and one of the hotels in the lower part of the city was
not under duress or an accompHce, was a reluctant witness, and
could have had no motive to make a false statement. He is
corroborated by other testimony.

The attempt to set fire to the city of New York is one of the
greatest atrocities of the age. There is nothing in the annals of
barbarism which evinces greater vindictiveness. It was not a
mere attempt to destroy the city, but to set fire to crowded hotels
and places of public resort, in order to secure the greatest
possible destruction of human life. The evidence shows that
Barnum's Museum and ten hotels were fired on the evening of
the 25th of November, the fires in most of them breaking out in
quick succession, and indicating not only deliberate and complex
design and concert on the part of the incendiaries, but a cool
calculation to create so many conflagrations at the same time as
to baffle the efforts of the fire department to extinguish them.
In all the buildings fired, not only non-combatant men, but
women and children, were congregated in great numbers, and

328 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

nothing but the most diaboHcal spirit of revenge could have
impelled the incendiaries to act so revoltingly.

The participation of the accused in this inhuman enterprise is
a crime, which follows him, and his liability to answer for it is
not to be cast off by withdrawing for a time from the jurisdic-
tion within which it was committed. He has not only been
guilty of carrying on irregular warfare, in violation of the
usages of civilized States in the conduct of war, but he has, by
outraging every principle of humanity, incurred the highest
penalty known to the law.

His escape to Canada was followed in a few days by his return
to the United States, again in disguise, with a new name, and
personating a loyal citizen, while holding a commission in the
service of the insurgents, thus furnishing the highest prima facie
evidence that he was acting as a spy. No rebutting evidence
was produced on the trial, although it continued twenty-three
days, of which fifteen were given to the accused, by adjourn-
ments, to procure testimony and prepare his defense. Two
papers were read as a part of his address to the court — one a
pledge given to the transportation agent in Canada to return
with all due diligence "to the Confederacy," and the other a
certificate made by him that he was a citizen of the State of
Louisiana, with a request that he might be provided with means
to return "to the Confederacy." Admitting their genuineness,
they do not repel the presumption raised by the circumstances
attending his arrest — the disguise and the false pretenses with
which he was found within our lines. His flight to Canada was
not a return within the lines of his own army. If he had found
his way back to the insurgent States and had been subsequently
captured in battle he could not have been convicted under the
first specification of the first charge. But neither of these facts
exist to remove or terminate his liability to conviction under
that specification.

Whatever question may exist as to the effect of his return to
Canada after having lurked as a spy, as charged in the first
specification, no such question can arise as to his guilt as a spy,
as charged in the second specification, which sets forth an
offense entirely distinct from the first, of which he has been
convicted on full proof.

The major-general commanding considers his duty as clear in
this case as that of Beall. The lives, the property, the domestic
security of non-combatant citizens must be protected against all
invasion not in strict accordance with the laws and usages of
civilized States in the conduct of war. Crimes which outrage

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 329

and shock the moral sense by their atrocity must not only be
punished and the perpetrators deprived of the power of repeat-
ing them, but the sternest condemnation of the law must be
presented to others to deter them from the commission of similar
enormities.

Robert C. Kennedy will be hanged by the neck till he is dead
at Fort Lafayette, New York Harbor, on Saturday, the 25th
day of March, instant, between the hours of 12 noon and 2 in
the afternoon.

The commanding officer of Fort Lafayette is charged with
the execution of this order.

By command of Major-General Dix:

D. T. Van Buren,
Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General.

It appears that Captain Kennedy made a confession on
the early morning of the day of his execution which is
reported by the Federal authorities as follows :

Fort Lafayette, March 25, 1865. — 6 a. m.
Major-General Dix,

Headquarters Department of the E^st, New York.
Sir: I have the honor to report that last night, about half
after 10 o'clock, I visited Kennedy, taking with me Mr. Howard,
of the New York Times. After some conversation relative to
the matter for which he has been sentenced, he made the follow-
ing confession. He requested that I would make no use of his
confession to his detriment, in case a respite, or reprieve should

be received.

*******

I have the honor to remain, respectfully,
Your obedient servant,

Martin Burke,
Lieutenant-Colonel, Commanding.

"Confession of Robert C. Kennedy.

"After my escape from Johnson's Island I went to Canada,
where I met a number of Confederates. They asked me if I
was willing to go on an expedition. I replied, 'Yes, if it is in
the service of my country.' They said, Tt's all right,' but gave
no intimation of its nature,, nor did I ask for any. I was then
sent to New York, where I stayed some time. There were
eight men in our party, of whom two fled to Canada. After we

330 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

had been in New York three weeks we were told that the object
of the expedition was to retaHate on the North for the atrocities
in the Shenandoah Valley. It was designed to set fire to the
city on the night of the Presidential election, but the phosphorus
was not ready and it was put off until the 25th of November.
I was stopping at the Belmont House, but moved into Prince
street. I set fire to four places — Barnum's Museum, Lovejoy's
Hotel, Tammany Hotel, and the New England House. The
others only started fires in the house where each was lodging
and then ran off. Had they all done as I did we would have had
thirty-two fires and played a huge joke on the fire department.
I know that I am to be hung for setting fire to Barnum's
Museum, but that was only a joke. I had no idea of doing it.
I had been drinking and went in there with a friend, and just to
scare the people, I emptied a bottle of phosphorus on the floor.
We knew it wouldn't set fire to the wood, for we had tried it
before, and at one time concluded to give the whole thing up.

"There was no fiendishness about it. After setting fire to
my four places I walked the streets all night and went to the
Exchange Hotel early in the morning. We all met there that
morning and the next night. My friend and I had rooms there,
but we sat in the office nearly all the time reading the papers,
while we were watched by the detectives, of whom the hotel was
full. I expected to die then, and if I had it would have been
all right ; but now it seems rather hard. I escaped to Canada,
and was glad enough when I crossed the bridge in safety.

"I desired, however, to return to my command, and started
with my friend for the Confederacy via Detroit. Just before
entering the city he received an intimation that the detectives
were on the lookout for us, and, giving me a signal, he jumped
from the cars. I didn't notice the signal, but kept on and was
arrested in the depot.

"I wish to say that killing women and children was the last
thing thought of. We wanted to let the people of the North
understand that there are two sides to this war, and that they
can't be rolling in wealth and comfort while we at the South
are bearing all the hardships and privations.

"In retaliation for Sheridan's atrocities in the Shenandoah
Valley we desired to destroy property, not the lives of women
and children, although that would of course have followed in
its train.

"Done in the presence of Lieutenant-Colonel Burke."

Under date of March 25, 1865, Lieut.-Col. Martin Burke
reported to Gen. John A. Dix the execution of Kennedy.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 331

Captain Robert Cobb Kennedy was related to the Cobb
family of Georgia. His home was in Louisiana. I supposed
him to be at the time of his death about 26 years old. He
possessed all the attributes of a gentleman, and was sincere,
true, intelligent, and absolutely fearless.

CHAPTER XXXIII

Operations of General Sherman in South Carolina, and General
Hunter in Virginia — General Early retaliates in Pennsylvania.

In the mean time, General Sherman had begun his march
into South Carolina, having started from Savannah on the
19th of January. It was uncertain at first whether he would
go through the center or not. We all believed he would go
direct to Charleston.

General Sherman says :

I determined to go in person to Pocotaligo, and there act as
though we were bound for Charleston. On the 24th of January
I started from Beaufort with part of my staff, leaving the rest
to follow at leisure, rode across the island to a pontoon-bridge
that spanned the channel between it and the mainland, and
thence rode by Garden's Corners to a plantation not far from
Pocotaligo, occupied by General Blair. There we found a
house, with a majestic avenue of live-oaks, whose limbs had
been cut away by the troops for firewood, and desolation marked
one of those splendid South Carolina estates where the proprie-
tors formerly had dispensed a hospitality that distinguished the
old regime of that proud State. I slept on the floor of the house,
but the night was so bitter cold that I got up by the fire several
times, and when it burned low I rekindled it with an old mantel-
clock and the wreck of a bedstead which stood in a corner of the
room — ^the only act of vandalism that I recall done by myself
personally during the war.

* * * 5k jjt * *

We therefore rested quietly about Pocotaligo, collecting stores
and making final preparations until the ist of February.

*******

Across the Congaree River lay the city of Columbia, in plain,
easy view. I could see the unfinished State-House, and the
ruins of the railroad depot, which were still smouldering.
Occasionally a few citizens or cavalry could be seen running

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK . 333

across tKe streets, and quite a number of negroes were seemingly-
busy in carrying off bags of grain or meal, which were piled up
near the burned depot.

Captain De Gres had a section of his twenty-pound Parrott
guns unlimbered, firing into the town. I asked him what he
was firing for ; he said he could see some rebel cavalry occasion-
ally at the intersection of the streets, and he had an idea that
there was a large force of infantry concealed on the opposite
bank, lying low, in case we should attempt to cross over directly
into the town. I instructed him not to fire any more into the
town, but consented to his bursting a few shells near the depot,
to scare away the negroes who were appropriating the bags of
corn and meal which we wanted, also to fire three shots at the
unoccupied State-House. I stood by and saw these fired, and
then all firing ceased. Although this matter of firing into
Columbia has been the subject of much abuse and investigation,
I have yet to hear of any single person having been killed in
Columbia by our cannon.

In this connection it may not be amiss to make a correc-
tion and insert an account of one casualty which doubtless
escaped the attention of General Sherman during his sojourn
in Columbia. It is as follows :

*The Executive Mansion of the State of South Carolina,
situated at Columbia, is a quaint structure of stone. The old
house is spacious and well built, and has many noble chambers,
among them a banquet hall and a great reception or ball-room.
It has been the scene of many important political, and of some
splendid social gatherings. It has also been the scene of one
tragedy which occurred during the latter part of the war, when
the Northern forces across the Congaree River were shelling
Columbia. This tragedy was the marriage of Anne Pickens,
the daughter of Governor Francis W. Pickens, to Lieutenant
Le Rochelle, and the death of the bride which followed immedi-
ately after the ceremony.

On the afternoon preceding the evening of the marriage, the
Northern army began shelling Columbia, but preparations for
the wedding continued. Finally the guests were all assembled
and the mansion was ablaze with light, fragrant with flowers
and joyous with music, although the occasional dull whirr of a

♦Ladies' Home Journal, October, 1900, by Mrs. Thaddeus Horton.

334 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

cannon ball kept the company aware that danger was not far off.
The clergyman stood beneath the chandelier and in the white
robe of his office. The groom in his regimentals, and the bride,
tall and stately, fair and lovely in her snowy bridal gown, walked
into the crowded chamber and paused before him.

The clergyman was proceeding with the solemn ceremony,
and had just joined the right hands of the happy pair wh'en,
suddenly, there was an awful crash, and a ball from the enemy's
cannon penetrated the mansion and burst in the middle of the
marriage chamber, scattering its death-dealing missiles in every
direction. There were screams and heartrending groans;
mirrors crashed; the house shook; women fainted; and walls
rocked to and fro.

When the first confusion was over it was discovered that in
all the crowd only one person was injured, and that was the
bride herself. She lay partly on the floor and partly in her
lover's arms, crushed and bleeding, pale but very beautiful, her
bridal gown drenched with warm blood, and a great cut in her
breast. Laying her on a lounge the frantic bridegroom besought
her by every term of tenderness and endearment to allow the
ceremony to proceed, to which she weakly gave consent, and
lying like a crushed flower, no less white than the camelias of
her bridal bouquet, her breath coming in sharp gasps, and the
blood flowing from this great, angry wound, she murmured
"yes" to the clergyman, and received her husband's first kiss.
A moment more and all was over.

Annie Pickens Le Rochelle was laid to rest under the
magnolias, and the heartbroken bridegroom, reckless with
despair, returned to his regiment.

General Sherman continued:

I sat with General Howard on a log, watching the men lay
this bridge; and about 9 or 10 a. m., a messenger came from
Colonel Stone on the other side, saying that the Mayor of
Columbia had come out of the city to surrender the place, and
asking for orders. I simply remarked to General Howard that
he had his orders, to let Colonel Stone go on into the city, and
that we would follow as soon as the bridge was ready.

* 5f: * * * * *

Having walked over much of the suburbs of Columbia in the
afternoon, and being tired, I lay down on a bed in Blanton
Duncan's house to rest. Soon after dark I became conscious
that a bright light was shining on the walls ; and calling some

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 335

Dne of my staff (Major Nichols, I think) to inquire the cause,
he said there seemed to be a house on fire down about the market
house. The same high wind still prevailed, and, FEARING
THE CONSEQUENCES, I bade him go in person to see if the
PROVOST-GUARD WAS DOING ITS DUTY. * * *
Fortunately, about 3 or 4 a. m., the wind moderated, and grad-
ually the fire was got under control ; but it had burned out the
very heart of the city, embracing several churches, the old State-
House, and the school or asylum of that very Sister of Charity
who had appealed for my personal protection. Nickerson's
Hotel, in which several of my staff were quartered, was burned
down, but the houses occupied by myself. Generals Howard and
Logan, were not burned at all. Many of the people thought
that this fire was deliberately planned and executed. This is
not true.

3jC 3jC ^ JjC 3jC 3|C 3JC

Having utterly ruined Columbia, the right zving began its
march northward, toward Winnsboro, on the 20th, which we
reached on the 21st, and found General Slocum, with the left
wing, who had come by way of Alston.

General Sherman, for ten years after the war, left those
who idolized his character to believe and circulate the accu-
sation that General Wade Hampton had set fire to Columbia
or had it done when his last troops evacuated the city, but
now General Sherman says:

IN MY OFFICIAL REPORT OF THIS CONFLAGRA-
TION, I DISTINCTLY CHARGED IT TO GEN. WADE
HAMPTON, AND CONFESS I DID SO POINTEDLY,
TO SHAKE THE FAITH OF HIS PEOPLE IN HIM, ETC.

Major-General Henry W. Slocum, commanding a corps
of Sherman's army on the "grand move," was a witness of
the burning of Columbia. He says :

During the night of February 17th the greater portion of
the city of Columbia was burned. The lurid flames could easily
be seen from my camp, many miles distant. Nearly all the
public buildings, several churches, an orphan asylum, and many
of the residences were destroyed. The city was filled with

336 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

helpless women and children and invalids, many of whom were
rendered houseless and homeless in a single night. No sadder
scene was presented during the war. The suffering of so many
helpless and innocent persons could not but move the hardest
heart. The question as to who was immediately responsible
for this disaster has given rise to some controversy. I do not
believe that General Sherman countenanced or was in any
degree responsible for it. I believe the immediate cause of the
disaster was a free use of whisky (which was supplied to the
soldiers by citizens with great liberality). A drunken soldier
with a musket in one hand and a match in the other is not a
pleasant visitor to have about the house on a dark, windy night.

General Sherman in an effort to defeat the payment of a
claim for damages by writing a letter to the United States
Senate, in April, 1866, charged the burning of Columbia
upon the citizens and General Wade Hampton. Here is
General Hampton's exposure nine years before the confession
of General Sherman :

Wild Woods, Mississippi, April 21, 1866.
To Hon. Reverdy Johnson, United States Senate.

Sir : A few days ago I saw in the published proceedings of
Congress that a petition from Benjamin Kawles, of Columbia,
South CaroUna, asking for compensation for the destruction of
his house by the Federal army, in February, 1865, had been
presented to the Senate, accompanied by a letter from Major-
General Sherman. In this letter General Sherman uses the
following language : 'The citizens of Columbia set fire to thou-
sands of bales of cotton rolled out into the streets, and which
were burning before we entered Columbia; I, myself, was in
the city as early as nine o'clock, and I saw these fires, and knew
that efforts were made to extinguish them, but a high and strong
wind prevented. I gave no orders for the burning of your city,
but, on the contrary, the conflagration resulted from the great
imprudence of cutting the cotton bales, whereby the contents
were spread to the wind, so that it became an impossibility to
arrest the fire. I saw in your Columbia newspaper the printed
order of Gen. Wade Hampton, that on the approach of the
Yankee army all the cotton should thus be burned, and, from
what I saw myself, I have no hesitation in saying that he was
the cause of the destruction of your city."

*******

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 337

I deny, emphatically, that any cotton was fired in Columbia
by my order. I deny that citizens "set fire to thousands of bales
rolled out into streets." I deny that any cotton was on fire
when the Federal troops entered the city. I most respectfully
ask of Congress to appoint a committee, charged with the duty
of ascertaining and reporting all the facts connected with the
destruction of Columbia, and thus fixing upon the proper author
of that enormous crime the infamy he richly deserves. I am
willing to submit the case to any honest tribunal. Before any
such I pledge myself to prove that I gave a positive order, by
direction of General Beauregard, that no cotton should be fired ;
that not one bale was on fire when General Sherman's troops
took possession of the city ; that he promised protection to the
city, and that, in spite of his solemn promise, he burned the city
to the ground, deliberately, systematically, and atrociously.
* * * Trusting that you will pardon me for troubling you,
I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

Wade Hampton.

It will now not be unfair to submit the story of the war-
fare carried on by the Federals in the Southern States, which
was perfectly familiar, at all periods, to the soldiers of the
South and to the Confederate Government. The people of
the North who applauded the war upon the South derived
their chief comfort from the miseries of its inhabitants.

Alexander H. Stephens says:

I refer not only to the general sacking of private houses — the
pillaging of money, plate, jewels, and works of art, paintings,
pictures, private manuscripts and family relics; but I allude,
besides these things, especially to the hostile acts directly against
property of all kinds, as well as outrages upon non-combatants —
to the laying waste of whole sections of country ; the attempted
annihilation of all the necessaries of life ; to the wanton killing,
in many instances, of farm stock and domestic animals; the
burning of mills, factories and barns, with their contents of
grain and forage, not sparing orchards or growing crops, or the
implements of husbandry; the mutilation of county and
municipal records of great value; the extraordinary efiforts
made to stir up servile insurrections, involving the widespread

338 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

slaughter of women and children; the impious profanation of
temples of worship, and even the brutish desecration of the
sanctuaries of the dead.

On June 19, 1864, Major-General Hunter began his
retreat from before Lynchburg down the Shenandoah Val-
ley. Lieutenant-General Early, who followed in pursuit,
thus describes the destruction he witnessed along the route :

Houses had been burned, and helpless women and children
left without shelter. The country had been stripped of pro-
visions, and many families left without a morsel to eat. Furni-
ture and bedding had been cut to pieces, and old men and
women and children robbed of all the clothing they had, except
that on their backs. Ladies' trunks had been rifled, and their
dresses torn to pieces in mere wantonness. Even the negro
girls had lost their little finery. At Lexington he had burned
the military institute with all its contents, including its library
and scientific apparatus. Washington College had been plun-
dered, and the statue of Washington stolen. The residence of
ex-Governor Letcher at that place had been burned by orders,
and but a few minutes given Mrs. Letcher and her family to
leave the house. In the county a most excellent Christian
gentleman, a Mr. Creigh, had been hung, because, on a former
occasion, he had killed a straggling and marauding Federal
soldier while in the act of insulting and outraging the ladies of
his family.

sjc Hi * * * * *

While at Martinsburg it was ascertained beyond all doubt that
Hunter had been again indulging in his favorite mode of war-
fare, and that, after his return to the Valley, while we were near
Washington, among other outrages, the private residences of
Mr. Andrew Hunter, a member of the Virginia Senate, Mr.
Alexander R. Boteler, an ex-member of the Confederate Con-
gress, as well as of the United States Congress, and Edmund I.
Lee, a distant relative of General Lee, all in Jefferson County,
with their contents, had been burned by his orders, only time
enough being given for the ladies to get out of the house. A
number of towns in the South, as well as private country-houses,
had been burned by Federal troops, and the accounts had been
heralded forth in some of the Northern papers in terms of
exultation, and gloated over by their readers, while they were

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 339

received with apathy by others. I now came to the conclusion
that we had stood this mode of warfare long enough, and that it
was time to open the eyes of the people of the North to its
enormity by an example in the way of retaliation. I did not
select the cases mentioned as having more merit or greater
claims for retaliation than others, but because they had occurred
within the limits of the country covered by my command, and
were brought more immediately to my attention.

The town of Chambersburg was selected as the one on which
retaliation should be made, and McCausland was ordered to
proceed with his brigade and that of Johnson's and a battery of
artillery to that place, and demand of the municipal authorities
the sum of one hundred thousand dollars in gold, or five hun-
dred thousand dollars in United States currency, as a compen-
sation for the destruction of the houses named and their con-
tents; and in default of payment to lay the town in ashes, in
retaliation for the burning of those houses and others in Vir-
ginia, as well as for the towns which had been burned in other
Southern States. A written demand to that effect was also sent
to the municipal authorities, and they were informed what
would be the result of a failure or a refusal to comply with it.
I desired to give the people of Chambersburg an opportunity of
saving their town, by making compensation for part of the
injury done, and hoped that the payment of such a sum would
have the desired effect, and open the eyes of people of other
towns at the North to the necessity of urging upon their Gov-
ernment the adoption of a different policy.

On July 30th McCausland reached Chambersburg, and made
the demand as directed, reading to such of the authorities as
presented themselves the paper sent by me. The demand was
not complied with, the people stating that they were not afraid
of having their town burned, and that a Federal force was
approaching. The policy pursued by our army on former
occasions had been so lenient that they did not suppose the threat
was in earnest at this time, and they hoped for speedy relief.
McCausland, however, proceeded to carry out his orders, and
the greater part of the town was laid in ashes. He then moved
in the direction of Cumberland, but found it defended by a
strong force. He then withdrew and crossed the Potomac, near
the mouth of the South Branch, capturing the garrison and
partly destroying the railroad bridge. Averill pursued from.
Chambersburg, and surprised and routed Johnson's brigade,
and caused a loss of four pieces of artillery and about three
hundred prisoners from the whole command.

CHAPTER XXXIV

Trial of John Yates Beall by military commission — Character
as a Confederate officer established — His acts authorized and
approved by the Confederate Government — ^Arguments of
counsel.

The imprisonment of Captain Beall and George S. Ander-
son at Fort Lafayette, New York, was in separate cells.
Beall was manacled with irons. Anderson, it appears, agreed
upon terms with the Federal military authorities under
which he was to appear as a witness against Beall and him-
self to be set free. The fact that Beall and Anderson were
serving under Colonel Martin and were escaping to Canada
from the Buffalo-Dunkirk expedition was then disclosed by
Anderson. Through this witness, of course, the name. Con-
federate character of Beall, and the purposes of the expedition
were given to the authorities so far as Anderson had knowl-
edge. A military commission was then ordered by General
John A. Dix, for the trial of Captain Beall, as follows :

General Orders No. 14.

Headquarters Department of the East^

New York City, January 17th, 1865.
*******

6. A military commission, to consist of the following named
officers, will assemble at Fort Lafayette, N. Y. H., at 11 a. m.,
on Friday, January 20th, 1865, or as soon thereafter as practi-
cable, for the trial of such cases as may be brought before it, by
orders from these headquarters, to sit without regard to hours,
and to hold its sessions in New York City, if the convenience
require it ; four members to constitute a quorum, for the trans-
action of business.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 341

DETAIL FOR THE COURT.

Brig.-Gen. Fitz Henry Warren, U. S. V. ; Brig.-Gen. W. H.
Morris, U. S. V.; Col. M. S. Howe, Third U. S. Cavalry;
Col. H. Day, U. S. A. ; Brev. Lieut.-Col. R. F. O'Bierne,
Fourteenth U. S. Infantry; Major G. W. Wallace, Sixth
U. S. Infantry. Major John A. Bolles, A. D. C, is
appointed Judge-Advocate.
By command of Major-General Dix :

D. T. Van Buren,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

The official record of the trial shows that the first session
of the military commission was held on the 17th day of
January, 1865. A postponement was granted to allow Beall
to procure counsel and the trial began on the ist day of
February. Hon. James T. Brady of New York appeared
as the attorney of Captain Beall. The charges and specifica-
tions against Captain Beall were as follows:

Charge i. Violation of the laws of war.

Specification i. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, did on or about the 19th day of
September, 1864, at or near Kelley's Island, in the State of Ohio,
without lawful authority, and by force of arms, seize and cap-
ture the steamboat Philo Parsons.

Specification 2. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, did on or about the 19th day of
September, 1864, at or near Middle Bass Island, in the State of
Ohio, without lawful authority, and by force of arms, seize,
capture and sink the steamboat Island Queen.

Specification 3. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy at or
near Kelley's Island, in the State of Ohio, on or about the 19th
day of September, 1864.

Specification 4. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy on or
about the 19th day of September, 1864, at or near Middle Bass
Island, in the State of Ohio.

Specification 5. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy on or
about the i6th day of December, 1864, at or near Suspension
Bridge in the State of New York.

342 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Specification 6. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, being without lawful authority, and
for unlawful purposes, in the State of New York, did in the
said State of New York undertake to carry on irregular and
unlawful warfare as a guerrilla; and in the execution of said
undertaking, attempted to destroy the lives and property of the
peaceable and unoffending inhabitants of said State, and of
persons therein traveling, by throwing a train of cars and the
passengers in said cars from the railroad track, on the railroad
between Dunkirk and Buffalo, by placing obstructions across
said track ; all this in said State of New York, and on or about
the 15th day of December, 1864, at or near Buffalo.

Charge 2. Acting as a spy.

Specification i. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy in the
State of Ohio, at or near Kelley's Island, on or about the 19th
day of September, 1864.

Specification 2. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy in the
State of Ohio, on or about the 19th day of September, 1864, at
or near Middle Bass Island.

Specification 3. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy in the
State of New York, at or near Suspension Bridge, on or about
the 1 6th day of December, 1864.

John A. Bolles, Major and A. D. C,

Judge-Advocate.

The fact that a trial was in progress, and in fact the arrest
of Captain Beall and Anderson, was not published in any of
the Northern newspapers. The Confederate authorities in
Richmond, therefore, were kept in ignorance of the whole
proceeding; otherwise, the treatment of Beall as a prisoner
of war would have been demanded and enforced by threats
of retaliation, as was done in the case of the privateers w^ho
were condemned to be hung at Philadelphia, in 1861, and
Beall would have been saved.

The prosecution introduced David H. Thomas, a police
officer of Niagara, New York, who testified that he and
another police officer, named Saule, arrested Beall and
Anderson, in the depot of the New York Central Railroad

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 343

Compciny, at Niagara City, on the i6th day of December,
1864, at about 9 or 10 o'clock at night. He said Beall and
Anderson were sitting on a settee ; that he seized Beall and
Saule took Anderson while both were asleep.

W. O. Ashley, the clerk who commanded the Philo
Parsons on Lake Erie, recognized Beall and testified to the
capture of his boat in Ohio waters, and that he delivered the
boat's books, papers, and money ($100) over to Beall and
Burley; that they took no personal property from him or
others. He said his vessel was captured within six miles of
Johnson's Island. I quote a short extract from the testi-
mony of the only passenger introduced by the prosecution,
as follows:

The Judge-Advocate then called William Weston, a witness
for the prosecution.

Q. Have you ever seen the accused. Captain Beall, before?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. When for the first time, and where ?

A. The first time I saw him was on board the Philo Parsons,
on the 19th of September last.

Q. State what you saw him do, and what you heard him say ?

A. After the capture of the boat, and we got a little excited,
he came forward and told us what they were going to do with
us, and the boat ; I was a passenger on board ; he said they were
not going to hurt or harm any of us, and that they would land
us as soon as they saw fit. He also stated that he was an
escaped prisoner from Johnson's Island, and that they had taken
the boat for the purpose of capturing the United States vessel
Michigan. He said they were going to liberate the prisoners on
Johnson's Island, and were going to destroy the commerce on
the Lakes ; that is all I recollect he said.

Q. Did you ever see what was done with any of the freight
on board the Philo Parsons after the boat was seized ?

A. I did not see them do anything with the freight, only they
threw out one of my boxes, that I got afterwards on the beach,
that was pitched out; that was after they landed us on the
island ; they pitched one of my boxes into the water. * * ♦

The prosecution introduced George S. Anderson, the com-
rade of Beall, who detailed the story of the expedition to

3,44 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Buffalo and Dunkirk. There are quite a number of errors in
his statements but they are not of particular interest.

There was no defense for Captain Beall except that his
warfare was authorized by the Confederate Government. It
should be said here that Captain Beall was not a spy because
he was not within the lines of an army or a camp of the
enemy, and was not seeking information. He was not a
guerrilla because he was acting by authority. He was a
Confederate ^'raider" upon the enemy's country.

It would be fair perhaps to note that Captain Beall was
tried in the same manner that Generals Paine, Burbridge,
and Burnside tried all Confederate officers and soldiers who
were captured in the rear or north of the Federal armies.
These were denounced and condemned as spies and guerrillas,
and seldom had any means of making a defense, or of calling
upon their Government for relief. General Sheridan gen-
erally executed Mosby's men as soon as captured. And this
was the proceeding of the others in most cases.

An affidavit of Colonel Robert M. Martin, made at
Toronto and showing the authority and orders for the
Buffalo-Dunkirk expedition, was produced and offered but
was not allowed in evidence by the military commission.
Mr. Brady, however, introduced as evidence Exhibits E and
F. The latter had been brought from Richmond by Lieu-
tenant S. B. Davis for the defense of Bennett G. Burley in
Canada. It was equally applicable in Beall's case as he was
the commander of the expedition. The exhibits marked A,
B, and C are letters that Beall wrote in his cell, before he
had secured counsel, which the authorities failed to forward,
and he was thereby deprived of timely assistance from his
Government.

Exhibit E.

Confederate States of America, Navy Department,

Richmond, March 5th, 1863.
Sir: You are hereby informed that the President has
appointed you an Acting Master in the Navy of the Confederate
States. You are requested to signify your acceptance or non-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 345

acceptance of this appointment ; and should you accept, you will
sign before a magistrate the oath of office herewith, and forward
the same, with your letter of acceptance, to this Department.

Registered No

The lowest number takes rank.

(Signed.) S. R. Mallory,

Secretary of the Navy.

Acting Master John Y. Beall, of Virginia, C. S. N.,
Richmond, Va.

(Indorsed.)
Confederate States of America^ Navy Department,
Richmond, 23d December, 1864.
I certify that the reverse of this page presents a true copy of
the warrant granted to John Y. Beall, as an Acting Master in
the Navy of the Confederate States, from the records of this
Department.

In testimony whereof I have herewith set my hand and affixed
the seal of this Department, on the day and year above written.
(Signed.) S. R. Mallory,

Secretary of the Navy.

Exhibit F.

By authority — Confederate States of America.

Whereas, It has been made known to me that Bennett G.
Burley, an Acting Master in the Navy of the Confederate States,
is now under arrest in one of the British North American
Provinces, on an application made by the Government of the
United States for the delivery to that Government of the said
Bennett G. Burley, under the treaty known as the Extradition
Treaty, now in force between the United States and Great
Britain ; and whereas it has been represented to me that the said
demand for the extradition of said Bennett G. Burley is based
on a charge that the said Burley is a fugitive from justice,
accused of having committed the crimes of robbery and piracy
in the jurisdiction of the United States; and whereas, it has
further been made known to me that the accusations and charges
made against the said Bennett G. Burley are based solely on the
acts and conduct of said Burley, in an enterprise made or
attempted in the month of September last, 1864, for the capture
of the steamer Michigan, an armed vessel of the United States,

346 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

navigating the lakes on the boundary line between the United
States and the said British North American Provinces, and for
the release of numerous citizens of the Confederate States, held
as prisoners of war by the United States at a certain island called
Johnson's Island ; and whereas, the said enterprise or expedition
for the capture of the said armed steamer Michigan, and for the
release of the said prisoners on Johnson's Island, was a proper
and legitimate belligerent operation, undertaken during the
pending public war, between the two Confederacies, known
respectively as the Confederate States of America and the
United States of America, which operation was ordered,
directed, and sustained by the authority of the Government of
the Confederate States, and confided to its commissioned officers
for execution, among which officers is the said Bennett G.
Bur ley.

Now, therefore, I, Jeiferson Davis, President of the Confed-
erate States of America, do hereby declare and make known to
all whom it may concern, that the expedition aforesaid, under-
taken in the month of September last, for the capture of the
armed steamer Michigan, a vessel of war of the United States,
and for the release of the prisoners of war, citizens of the Con-
federate States of America, held captive by the United States of
America at Johnson's Island, was a belligerent expedition
ordered and undertaken under the authority of the Confederate
States of America, against the United States of America, and
that the Government of the Confederate States of America
assumes the responsibility for answering for the acts and con-
duct of any of its officers engaged in said expedition, and
especially of the said Bennett G. Burley, an Acting Master of
the Confederate States Navy.

And I do further make known to all whom it may concern,
that in the orders and instructions given to the officers engaged
in said expedition, they were specially directed and enjoined to
"abstain from violating any of the laws and regulations of the
Canadian and British authorities in relation to neutrality," and
that the combination necessary to effect the purpose of said
expedition "must be made by Confederate soldiers and such
assistance as they might (you may) draw from the enemy's
country."

In testimony whereof I have signed this manifesto, and
directed the same to be sealed with the seal of the Department
of State of the Confederate States of America, and to be made
public.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 347

Done at the city of Richmond, on the 24th day of December,
1864.

Jefferson Davis.
By the President,

J. P. Benjamin^ Secretary of State.

Exhibits A, B, and C, were submitted as showing Beall's
views of the charges against him, and his rehance upon his
authority as a Confederate officer. He had really committed
no act except upon Lake Erie.

Exhibit A.

(One U. S. stamp enclosed.)

Fort Lafayette, N. Y., January 22d, 1865.
Mr. D. B. Lucas,

173 Main St., Richmond, Va.

Dear Dan : I have taken up board and lodging at this
famous establishment. I was captured in December last, and
spent Xmas in the Metropolitan Hd. Qrs. Police Station. I am
now being tried for irregular warfare, by a Military Commis-
sion, a species of court.

The acts are said to have been committed on Lake Erie and
the Canada frontier. You know that I am not a "guerrilla" or
"spy."

I desire that you get the necessary evidence that I am in the
Confederate service, regularly, and forward it to me at once. I
shall write to Colonels Boteler and HoUiday in regard to this
matter. I must have this evidence. As the Commission so far
have acted fairly, I am confident of acquittal. Has Will been
exchanged ? I saw that Steadman had been killed in Kentucky.
Alas ! how they fall. Please let my family know if possible of
my whereabouts. Where is my Georgia friend? Have you
heard anything from her since I left? May God bless her. I
should like so much to hear from her, from home, Will, and
yourself. Be so kind, therefore, as to attend at once to this
business for me. Remember me to any and all of my friends
that you may see.

Send me some stamps for my correspondence.

Hoping to hear from you soon,

I remain your friend,

J. Y. Beall, C. S. N.

If Mr. Lucas is not in Richmond, will Mr. Hunter attend to
this at once?

348 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Exhibit B.

(I enclose a U. S. stamp.)

Fort Lafayette, N. Y., January 22d, 1865.

Col. A. R. BOTELER,

Richmond, Va.
Dear Sir : I am on trial before a Military Commission for
irregular warfare, as a "guerrilla" and "spy." The acts are said
to have been committed on Lake Erie and at Suspension Bridge,
in September and December last.

As I cannot in person procure any papers from Richmond, I
have to rely on my friends, and therefore I request you to pro-
cure evidence of my being regularly in service, and forward such
evidence at once to me. I have also written to Messrs. Hunter
and Lucas. Please call on them in regard to this, and also Mr.
Henderson if necessary.

Very truly, your friend,

J. Y. Beall, C. S. N.

Exhibit C.

Fort Lafayette, N. Y., January 22d, 1865.
Col. Jacob Thompson,

Toronto, C. W.

Sir : I was captured in December, and am on trial before a
Military Commission for irregular warfare, as a "guerrilla" and
"spy." The acts are said to have been committed on Lake Erie
and at Suspension Bridge, N. Y., in September and December
last.

I desire to procure from my Government and its authorities
evidence of my being regularly in service, and of having been
acting under and by authority. Please secure and forward me,
as soon as possible, certificates or other evidence confirming this
fact.

The Commission so far have evidenced a disposition to treat
me fairly and equitably. With the evidence you can send,
together with that I have a right to expect from Richmond and
elsewhere, I am confident of an acquittal.

Please attend at once to this, acknowledging at any rate the
receipt of this letter.

Very respectfully,

J. Y. Beall.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK y 349

James T. Brady, Esq., counsel for Captain Beall, now
addressed the commission at length in defense of the pris-
oner. It would be interesting matter, perhaps, to present
the entire address, but for all practical purposes his remarks
upon one or two points only are deemed sufficient and ex-
tracts are given as follows :

5|» JjC 2j» 3j» *|i ^ 51*

But I had supposed the WORD "LINES" had some refer-
ence in general parlance to a CAMP. You may make a city a
camp or an entire district, but I don't know that you can make
a WHOLE COUNTRY A CAMP. I don't know whether
Caesar, Hannibal, or Alexander, in any of their extensive
marches, could have established as their camps the whole
country through which they went. I don't suppose that General
Sherman could claim the whole State of Georgia as his camp.
All this may be of very little consideration to you, because you
know so much more about it than I ; but I respectfully submit
that the word "lines" must mean some imaginary or prescribed
territory relating to, and directly affected by the government of
the army as such ; and in that sense I don't see how Beall was
within our lines in a military sense, because he happened to be
in the State of Ohio taking passage in a steamboat, or up at
Niagara in the State of New York; the State of New York
never for one moment being subject to any kind of military
occupation. I don't see how the State of Ohio or the State of
New York could be within our lines. But that proposition I
submit to your intelligence and judgment.

«fC 3fC 3|C SjC 3)C 2|C ^

Now, on this subject we find that the accused did not come
here as a spy, nor for any such purpose. He came on one
occasion, if you believe the testimony in this case, to assist in a
demonstration for the relief of the prisoners on Johnson's
Island; a specific purpose of war if he acted in a military
capacity. And in the other case, he was in the State of New
York engaged in the capture of a railroad train, so as to get
possession of the mails and money in the express safe; and
coming for either of those purposes, he did not come to lurk
or make himself a spy in any way.

^ ^ 3|e 3|C ^ ^ ^

He was acting under a commission; he was in the service
of the rebel Government ; he was engaged in carrying on war-
fare ; he was not endeavoring to perpetrate any offense against

350 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

society. And if he were not acting under a commission or with
authority, but was acting upon his own responsibiUty and
from the wicked intent of his own heart for motives of personal
maHce or gain, he is not amenable to this tribunal, but must
answer to the ordinary courts of the State within which the
crime was committed.

*******

The soldiers who surround Captain Beall on his way to this
court, and unknown to their superior officer, when the oppor-
tunity presents itself, murmur out in his hearing words that
would denote that he was contemplated by them as a murderer,
an outcast, and a villain, have not brought themselves to under-
stand, to contemplate the dreadful fact, that war is nothing but
legalized deception, and fraud, and murder. If I slay my fellow-
being upon a provocation or insult — if he should assail the
reputation of my mother, or offer insult to my sister in my
presence, and in a moment of passion I slay him, by the law of
the land I am guilty of murder, although the circumstances
might recommend me to the clemency of the court. And yet,
if in obedience to the call of my country I do that against the
phalanx of men who have done me no personal wrong, do not I
always gain my military triumph by the massacre of those inno-
cent men ? If you march your battalions against the conscripted
armies of the South, who suffer but the innocent? While the
guilty leaders — the wicked men who set this rebellion on foot,
have thus far escaped, and seem destined to escape, whatever
may be the issue of the war. Soldiers Hke you are not to be
horrified by the fact that men engaged in a warfare, who treat
you, and consider you to be their enemies, take possession of
your steamboats, or obstruct railroads, or endeavor to throw
railroad trains off the track. * * * But has it not been a
customary thing in this war, in all these expeditions called
raids, for leaders to earn brilliant reputations by, among other
things, tearing up rails, removing them, intercepting and
stopping railroad cars, without reference to the question of
who happened to be in them? Would a general officer, or any
one in command, who sought to interrupt the communication
by rail between two of the enemy's posts, let a train pass
through or stop it ? If he seeks to stop it he must apply to it the
means necessary to accomplish it. Before the days of railroads,
when soldiers were transported by the means of animals
attached to some kind of conveyance, did a general engage in
warfare who wanted to stop the soldiers, whether they were
in stage-coaches (if soldiers ever traveled in that manner) or

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 351

in caravans, ever stop to see how many innocent people would
suffer by assailing them with weapons of destruction? Cer-
tainly not. It is death, desolation, mutilation, and massacre,
that you are permitted to accomplish in war. And you look
at it not through the medium of philanthropy, not through the
Divine precept that tells you to love your neighbor as your-
self, but through the melancholy necessity that characterizes
the awful nature of war. You must change your whole intel-
lect and moral nature to look at it as it is, the ultima ratio regum
— the last necessity of kings. This being so, legalized war
justifying every method, every horrible resource of interrupting
communication, where do you draw the line of distinction
between the act of one you call a guerrilla and the act of one
you call a raider, like Grierson? Where do you make the
distinction between the march of Major-General Sherman
through the enemy's country, carrying ravage and desolation
everywhere, destroying the most peaceable and lawful industry,
mills and machinery, and everything of that nature — where do
you draw the line between his march through Georgia and an
expedition of twenty men acting under commission who get into
any of the States we claim to be in the Union, and commit
depredations there? And what difference does it make if they
act under commission, if they kill the innocent or the guilty?
There are no distinctions of that kind in war. You kill your
enemy ; you put him hors de combat in any way, with some few
qualifications that civilization has introduced. You may say that
it is not allowed to use poisoned weapons, and yet we use Greek
fire. You may not poison wells, but you may destroy your
enemy's property. * * * At the outbreak of this war the
Savannah privateers were captured ; they were held and tried as
pirates. I was one of the counsel for the accused. The jury
in the city of New York disagreed. In Philadelphia they
convicted some of them; and as the honorable members of
this court remember, the Confederate Government proposed
retaliation, and took an equal number of our men, their lot
being determined by chance, and secured them, to be executed
in case death were visited upon any of the privateers ; and one
of the men who was so held was Major Cogswell, who has
just left this room; and for the first time in my life I had an
involuntary client ; because the life of my friend Cogswell was
dependent upon the result. Very soon, however, the Govern-
ment set that idea aside and gave up the notion that privateers
were pirates.

352 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

We see that there may be transactions which do not seeni
at the first blush to belong to those of war; and yet on a
closer examination of them they prove to come within that
description. I refer you to General Halleck's book, at page
306, and I beg your attention to this, as I know you will
give it :

"Partisans and guerrilla troops are bands of men self-organ-
ized and self-controlled, who carry on war against the public
enemy, without being under the direct authority of the State.
They have no commissions or enlistments, nor are they enrolled
as any part of the military force of the State ; and the State is,
therefore, only indirectly responsible for their acts. * * *
If authorized and employed by the State, they become a portion
of its troops, and the State is as much responsible for their
acts as for the acts of any other part of its army. They are
no longer partisans and guerrillas in the proper sense of those
terms, for they are no longer self-controlled, but carry on
hostilities under the direction and authority of the State. *

* * It will, however, readily be admitted, that the hostile
acts of individuals, or of bands of men, without the authority or
sanction of their own Government, are not legitimate acts of
war, and, therefore, are punishable according to the nature or
character of the offense committed."

If that be so, you cannot convict any man as a guerrilla who
holds a commission in the service of the Confederate Govern-
ment, and perpetrates any act of war in that capacity. He is not
self-organized with his command, nor self-controlled. He is
acting under authority of our foe, and he is regarded as under
so much protection as belongs to the laws of war.

You will find that in this case Captain Beall was acting as
an officer of the Confederate Government, either in command
himself of Confederate soldiers or under the command of some
Confederate officer, as in the attempt on the railroad where
Colonel Martin of the Confederate service was in command.
Commissioned officers of the Confederate Government engaged
in depredations for the purposes of war within our territory,
are not guerrillas within this definition of General Halleck, or
any definition recognized in any book that I have had occasion
to refer to. So far as that definition and the like is concerned,
that it is ratified by this Government, is shown from this procla-
mation of Jefferson Davis, referred to in specific terms showing
that it was done by the authority of the Government. * * *

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 353

A guerrilla must be a marauder, self -controlled, not acting
by the authority of his government, without a commission— a
mere self-willed and self-moving depredator. The question is,
whether there is any proof of any such character in regard to
Captain Beall. As to the transaction on Lake Erie, I accept
all the proof which has been given by the Government. It
was an expedition to take possession of that steamboat, at a
distance of some six miles from Johnson's Island, TO RUN
DOWN THE UNITED STATES ARMED STEAMER
MICHIGAN, then lying at about the distance of a mile from
Johnson's Island, and thus give the prisoners on Johnson's
Island an opportunity to escape.

*******
That was the purpose of the armed expedition of Confederate
soldiers or officers, to take possession of, or capture the
Michigan, and thus aid to release the prisoners on Johnson's
Island. That I call a military expedition; and that I call an
expedition which being carried on by men under commission
from the Confederate Government, is legalized warfare and
not the conduct of guerrillas.

*******

I think we have two distinct questions here, and only two:
Is the accused proved to be a spy ? What proof is there for the
purpose of establishing these charges ? In the one case we say
he was shown to be within our lines, if within our lines at
all, not for the purpose of acting as a spy, but for other
developed and proved objects inconsistent with his being a
spy. In the other case it appears that he was not a guerrilla
because he was a commissioned officer in the Confederate serv-
ice, acting under the authority of that Government during the
war, in connection with other military men, for an act of war.
If so, then he is not amenable to this jurisdiction. If I were
before a tribunal who had not been accustomed to look at war
with its grim visage, with the eye of educated intelligence, I
should apprehend that the natural detestation of violence and
bloodshed and wrong would pursue this man. But however
wrong the South may be — however dismal its records may
remain in the contemplation of those who have the ideas of
patriotism that reside in our minds — yet not one of you, gentle-
men, would even be willing to acknowledge to any foreigner,
hating our institutions, that you did not still cling to the South
in this struggle, wrong and dreadful as it has been, and award

354 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

them attributes of intelligence and courage never before
perhaps equaled, and certainly never surpassed, in the annals
of the human race.

Bad as their act may be in our contemplation, have you any
doubt that in the conscience of that man, in the judgment of
his mother, in the lessons he received from his father, he has
what we may think the misfortune of believing himself right?

I leave his fate in your hands. I have endeavored to avoid
any attempt to address to you anything but what becomes the
sober reason of intelligent men. * * * This is a thing to
reason upon. You will view it through the medium of reason
with which the Almighty has endowed you.

Judge-Advocate-General John A. Bolles then followed in
a lengthy address to the commission, and it would likewise
be interesting if given in full, but the extracts quoted will
convey a fair idea of the claims of the prosecution. He said :

Two papers have been put in evidence by the accused, with-
out objection on my part, — his letter of appointment as master's
mate in the rebel Navy, and the "manifesto" of Mr. Davis in
regard to Burley and the Lake Erie expedition. I was willing
to admit that Beall was a rebel officer, and that all he did was
authorized by Mr. Davis; because, in my view of the case,
all that was done by the accused, being in the violation of the
law of war, no commission, command, or manifesto could
justify his acts. A soldier is bound to obey the lawful com-
mands of his superior officer. Our 9th article of war punishes
him for disobedience to such commands, but none other. His
superior cannot require or compel any soldier to act as a spy,
or as an assassin. If, then, such unlawful command be given
and obeyed, its only effect is to prove that both he who gave
and he who obeyed the command are criminals, and deserve to
be gibbeted together. When did a spy ever seek to justify him-
self by pleading the command of his general? How can the
manifesto of the arch-rebel screen any of his subordinates who
has trampled under foot that law of war — for war hath its
laws no less than peace — which is binding upon all alike, from
the rebel President to the rebel raider ?

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 355

And now, Mr. President, I come to the final inquiry in this
most interesting and important trial. What are the facts proved
by the evidence under the ist, 2nd, and 6th specifications of
Charge ist?

I submit to the court that we have proved :

ist. That the accused was and is a rebel officer.

2nd. That he was within our lines in disguise.

3rd. That he, at Kelley's Island, in Ohio, in September
last, with the help of other rebel officers and soldiers in dis-
guise, seized the American private steamboat Philo Parsons.

4th. That he stole the money and destroyed the freight on
board of her.

5th. That in September, at Middle Bass Island, in Ohio, he,
still in disguise, and with the same friends in disguise, seized
in like manner another steamboat, the Island Queen, and
scuttled and sunk her.

6th. That in December he came from Canada to Buffalo,
in New York, in disguise, and with other disguised rebel officers
and soldiers attempted unsuccessfully to throw a railroad train
from the track.

7th. That he went back to Canada, and again returned in
the same treacherous manner as before, and repeated his
infamous attempt upon a night train from Dunkirk, and was
caught as he fled from the scene of his unenviable exploits.

* ste * * * * *

It is important that you and I, sir, and our wives and
children — that all of our fellow-citizens, may feel, when they
enter a railroad car within the loyal States, that they are safe
from all perils but those of ordinary travel; and that if any
party of rebel soldiers in disguise, enemies of the Republic
and friends of the Confederacy, attempt to place obstructions
on the track, and throw off the train, they will be punished with
the most exemplary speed, certainty, and severity. Enormities
like this cannot be justified or screened from legal vengeance
by the plea or proof of a military commission, command, or
ratification, no matter how exalted may be the rank of the com-
mander; since the law of war, which forbids and punishes the
crime, is obligatory upon all.

The piracy of the lake, and the outrage on the railroad, were
parts of that system of irregular warfare, UNDER THE
FEAR OF WHICH NO MAN, WOMAN OR CHILD CAN
SLEEP WITH ANY FEELING OF SECURITY IN OUR

356 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

MIDST. Such atrocities are attempts, on the part of the rebel
officers and soldiers who engage in and countenance them, TO
BRING BACK WAR TO ITS OLD CONDITION OF
BARBARISM— TO IMITATE THE STEALTHY CRU-
ELTY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN SAVAGE, WHO
CREEPS UNDER COVER OF MIDNIGHT UPON HIS
UNSUSPECTING VICTIM, AND SMITES HIM TO
DEATH ERE THE SOUND OF APPROACHING FOOT-
STEPS HAS ROUSED THAT VICTIM FROM SLUM-
BER. With the accused this savage purpose takes form in the
robbery of steamboats and the destruction of railroad trains
and travelers. In other hands, it manifests itself in midnight
attempts to burn great cities. There is nothing of Christian
civilization, nothing of regular warfare, nothing of a high, noble,
bold, manly, chivalrous character about it. It is an outbreak of
passions so bad and violent that they have overcome all the
native elements of manliness, and have led men, of whom four
years ago to have suspected such things possible would have
been a calumny and a crime, to indulge in atrocities from month
to month and year to year, SUCH AS HAVE NOT STAINED
THE PAGES OF WARFARE FOR TWO HUNDRED
YEARS. And you sit here today, AS THE REPRESENTA-
TIVES OF RECOGNIZED LAW AND HONORABLE
WARFARE, TO SEE THAT SUCH OUTRAGES, when
they are clearly and distinctly brought home to the guilty
party by the evidence adduced upon the trial, shall not escape
unpunished.

CHAPTER XXXV

Efforts of the friends of Beall, with President Lincoln, for his
pardon — Beall hung on Governor's Island — Buried in Green-
wood Cemetery, Brooklyn.

The commission on February 8th, 1865, found Captain
Beall guilty on every count in the charges, announcing their
verdict as follows:

And the commission do therefore sentence him, the said John
Y. Beall, to be hanged by the neck until dead, at such time and
place as the General in command of the Department may direct,
two-thirds of the members concurring therein.

An extract from the order of General Dix, approving the
verdict of the commission, is as follows :

General Orders, No. 14.

Headquarters Department of the East,

New York City, Feb. 14th, 1865.
I. Before a Military Commission which convened at Fort
Lafayette, New York Harbor, by virtue of Special Orders No.
14, current series from these headquarters, of January 17, 1865,
and of which Brigadier-General Fitz Henry Warren, United
States Volunteers, is President, was arraigned and tried John
Y. Beall.

* * * * 5|e 5|C ♦

"After eight hours, he and his associates, arming themselves
with revolvers and hand-axes, brought surreptitiously on board,
rose on the crew, took possession of the steamer, threw over-
board part of the freight, and robbed the clerk of the money
in his charge, putting all on board under duress. Later in the
evening he and his party took possession of another unarmed
steamer (the Island Queen), scuttled her, and set her adrift
on the lake. These transactions occurred within the jurisdic-
tion of the State of Ohio, on the 19th day of September, 1864.

358 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

On the 1 6th day of December, 1864, the accused was arrested
near the Suspension Bridge, over the Niagara River, within the
State of New York. The testimony shows that he and two
officers of the insurgent States, Colonel Martin and Lieutenant
Headley, with two other Confederates, had made an unsuccess-
ful attempt, under the direction of the first-named officer, to
throw the passenger train coming from the West to Buffalo
off the railroad track, for the purpose of robbing the express
company. It is further shown that this was the third attempt
in which the accused was concerned to accomplish the same
object; that between two of the attempts the party, including
the accused, went to Canada and returned, and that they were
on their way back to Canada when he was arrested. In these
transactions, as in that on Lake Erie, the accused, though hold-
ing a commission from the insurgent authorities at Richmond,
was in disguise, procuring information, with the intention of
using it, as he subsequently did, to inflict injury upon unarmed
citizens of the United States and their private property. *

* * In these attempts three officers holding commissions in
the military service of the insurgent States were concerned.
The accused is shown by the testimony to be a man of educa-
tion and refinement, and it is difficult to account for his agency
in transactions so abhorrent to the moral sense, and so incon-
sistent with all the rules of honorable warfare.

The accused, in justification of the transaction on Lake Erie,
produced the manifesto of Jefferson Davis, assuming the
responsibility of the act, and declaring that it was done by his
authority. It is hardly necessary to say that no such assump-
tion can sanction an act not warranted by the laws of civilized
warfare. * * * War, under its mildest aspects, is the
heaviest calamity that can befall our race; and he who, in a
spirit of revenge, or with lawless violence, transcends the limits
to which it is restricted by the common behest of all Christian
communities, should receive the punishment which the com-
mon voice has declared to be due to the crime. The Major-
General commanding feels that a want of firmness and inflexi-
bility, on his part, in executing the sentence of death in such a
case, would be an offense against the outraged civilization and
humanity of the age.

It is hereby ordered that the accused, John Y. Beall, be
hanged by the neck till he is dead, on Governor's Island, on
Saturday, the i8th of February, inst., between the hours 12 and
2 in the afternoon.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 359

The commanding officer at Fort Columbus is charged with the
execution of this order.

By command of Major-General Dix:

D. T. Van Buren, Col. A. A. G.

The date of Captain Beall's execution was postponed from
the 1 8th of February until the 24th. His fate being fixed
for the 24th of February, Captain Beall wrote his brother,
who was a private in the Stonewall Brigade, as follows :

Fort Lafayette, Feb. 14th, 1865.

Dear Will: Ere this reaches you, you will most probably
have heard of my death through the newspapers; that I was
tried by a military commission, and hung by the enemy; and
hung, I assert, unjustly. It is both useless and wrong to repine
over the past. Hanging, it was asserted, was ignominious ; but
crime only can make dishonor, "Vengeance is mine, saith the
Lord, and I will repay" ; therefore do not show unkindness to
the prisoners — they are helpless.

Remember me kindly to my friends. Say to them, I am not
aware of committing any crime against society. I die for my
country. No thirst for blood or lucre animated me in my
course; for I had refused, when solicited, to engage in enter-
prises which I deemed destructive, but illegitimate; and but
a few months ago I had but to have spoken, and I would have
been red with blood, and rich with the plunder of the foe. But
my hands are clear of blood, unless it be spilt in conflict; and
not a cent enriches my pocket.

Should you be spared through this strife, stay with mother,
and be a comfort to her old age. Endure the hardships of the
campaign like a man. In my trunk and box you can get plenty
of clothes. Give my love to mother, the girls too. May God
bless you all now and evermore, is my prayer and wish for you.

John Y. Beall.

His faithful friend — his "biographer"^now entered
earnestly and untiringly upon the task of saving Beall, by
an appeal to President Lincoln, upon the merits of the case,
alleging that Beall was not a spy but honestly endeavoring,
without motives, to serve the cause of his country.

J. A. L. McClure retained the professional services of
Andrew Ridgely, of Baltimore. McClure received a letter
from Beall as follows ;

360 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Fort Lafayette, 14th Feb., 1865.
Mr. James A. L. McClure, Baltimore, Md.

Dear Sir : Last evening I was informed of the finding and
sentence of the Commission in my case. Captain Wright Rives,
of General Dix's staff, promised to procure you a copy of the
record of the trial.

I am solicitous for you, who represent my friends, to have
one, and to attach this statement to it: Some of the evidence
is true, SOME FALSE. I am not a spy nor a guerrilla. The
execution of the sentence will be murder. And at a convenient
season, to forward that record, and my statement to my friends.

I wish you to find out the amount of the expenses of the
trial, and forward it to me at once, so that I can give a check
for the amount.

Captain Wright Rives assured me that my friends could have
my body. For my family's sake, please get my body from Fort
Columbus after the execution, and have it plainly buried, not to
be removed to my native State till this unhappy war is over,
and my friends can bury as prudence and their wishes may
dictate.

Let me again thank you for your kindness, and believe me
to be now, as in days of yore, your attached friend,

John Y. Beall.

His "biographer" says:

On Thursday morning Mr. McClure received a letter from
John in which he announced his conviction and sentence. This
letter was answered by telegraph through Captain Rives.

He instantly thought that nothing could give to the President
a clearer idea of the polished character, and manly tone that
John possessed, than the simple reading of this letter — and I
went at once to Washington to have it presented through Mr.
Ridgely. Mr. Ridgely, however, had returned to Baltimore
before I reached Washington, so that I was obliged also to
return the same night. We had immediately an interview with
him, to ascertain the result of his visit, and efforts. He brought
no encouragement. Friends at Washington had interested
themselves, and had appealed to the President even before Mr.
Ridgely's arrival ; and in his interview with that gentleman, he
was positive in his determination not to interpose against the
order, and judgment of General Dix, with whom, without the
active interference of the President, the case entirely rested.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

Among those who persistently labored with the President
in behalf of Captain Beall were the following :

Francis L. Wheatley, John S. Gittings and his wife, and
many ladies of Baltimore and Washington ; Mr. Hendricks
of Missouri, Rev. Dr. Bullock of Baltimore, Hon. Mont-
gomery Blair, ex-Senator O. H. Browning of Illinois, Hon.
Robert Mallory of Kentucky, besides a petition signed by
ninety-one members of Congress.

Continuing, his "biographer" says:

Mr. Brady, in company with Mr. Francis Blair and Mr.
Stabler of Montgomery County, personal friends of the Presi-
dent, and Mr. Wheatley, called upon Mr. Lincoln at an early
hour on Friday morning. There had already been two com-
panies of gentlemen to see him on the same mission; whether
they procured an interview or not I cannot say, but Mr.
Brady and the gentlemen with him were informed by the Pres-
ident's private secretary, that the case of Captain Beall "was
closed," and that he could not be seen any further in reference
to it.

Mr. McClure, in company with Mrs. Basil B. Gordon, reached
New York from Baltimore, on Friday morning. Mrs. Gordon,
at a very early hour, had an interview with General Dix, and
appealed to him in John's behalf, in the most earnest manner.

It will thus be seen that no stone was left unturned to obtain
a reprieve, and to the extent of a short respite these efforts
were successful ; during this respite every legitimate means was
resorted to to influence the President or General Dix, either of
whom had the power to interpose between the sentence and its
victim, but all intercessions were in vain. For days before the
execution the President closed the doors of the Executive palace
against all suppliants, male or female, and his ears against all
appeals, whether with the tongue of men or of angels, in behalf
of his unfortunate prisoner. From the first Mr. Lincoln had
responded to all applications for his interposition, "General Dix
may dispose of the case as he pleases — I will not interfere."
General Dix, on his part, replied, "All now rests with the Presi-
dent— as far as my action is concerned there is not a gleam
of hope." Thus they stood as the pillars of the gallows, on
which Beall's fate was suspended, and between them he died.
The credit, if any, in resisting all appeals for mercy, belongs

362 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

jointly, in whole or in part, to both ; and in the same manner,
the infamy, if such attach to the execution, pertains in the same
undivided, indivisible estate to both. There was one expedient
which might have proved successful had it been adopted ; that
was to have purchased the more influential of the Republican
journals of New York over in favor of mercy. There was one
influence to which President Lincoln never failed to yield
when strongly directed against him — THE VOICE OF HIS
PARTY; this he did upon principle, as the head of a popular
government. It was in response to such partisan appeals that
Fish, ex-provost marshal of Baltimore, who on conviction of
open and shameless bribery, and peculation, was sentenced to
the penitentiary, obtained pardon; WHILE GENERAL
PAINE, FOUND GUILTY BEFORE A MILITARY TRI-
BUNAL OF OUTRAGING ALL THE PROPRIETIES OF
WAR UPON THE PERSONS AND PROPERTY OF
WOMEN, CHILDREN, AND OTHER DEFENSELESS
NON-COMBATANTS, SUCCEEDED BY SIMILAR
MEANS IN PROPITIATING EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY.
Unfortunately neither Beall nor his friends belonged to the
Republican party ; hence the doors of mercy were closed against
him.

At some period during the respite granted, Mrs. Beall having
come on from Virginia, HAD AN OPPORTUNITY OF
VISITING HER SON.

The character of this interview, which took place in the
presence of oflicers, was naturally affecting, though both exhib-
iting that degree of composed fortitude which might have been
expected by those acquainted with their characters. The son
derived from it great comfort, for, s^id he, "I saw the moment
she entered the cell that she could bear it, and that it made no
difference to her whether I died upon the scaffold, or fell upon
the field." He gave her no ground to indulge the hope of final
pardon for himself. "No," said he, "they are thirsting for rny
blood !" And thois parted mother and son to meet again only in
that realm where the changed and spotless are clothed in the
transcendent beauty of immortal and incorruptible spirits.

The Rev. Joshua Van Dyke (of Brooklyn) visited him on
the day before his execution, and writes : "I found him to be all
you had described him, and much more. He was confined in a
narrow and gloomy cell, with a lamp burning at midday ; but
he received me with as much ease as if he were in his own

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 363

parlor, and his conversation revealed at every turn the gentle-
man, the scholar, and the Christian. There was no bravado, no
strained heroism, no excitement in his words or manner, but
a quiet trust in God, and a composure in view of death, such
as I have read of, but never beheld to the same degree before.
He introduced the subject of his approaching end himself,
saying that while he did not pretend to be indifferent to life,
the mode in which he was to leave it had no terrors or
ignominy for him; he could go to heaven, through the grace
of Christ, as well from the gallows as from the battlefield, or
his own bed ; he died in defense of what he believed to be right ;
and so far as the particular things for which he was to be
executed were concerned, he had no confession to make or
repentance to exercise. He did not use one bitter or angry
expression toward his enemies, but calmly declared his convic-
tion that he was to be executed contrary to the laws of civilized
warfare. He accepted his doom as the will of God. * * * i
left his cell, saying to myself, 'The chamber where the good
man views his fate is privileged above the common walks of
life!'"

At a little past one o'clock (February 24th, 1865) the cortege
passed out of the stern, arched sallyport of Fort Columbus.

The band struck up the death-march, and the solemn pro-
cession moved forward.

Beall caught the step of the regulars, and moved with them ;
he was a soldier, and knew how to keep step even to music of
his own death-dirge. But his step was lighter than that of the
heavy soldiers ; it was as light, as free, as tameless as Tell's
in the mountains of Switzerland; as proud and firm as Mc-
Gregor's on the skirts of Ben Lomond. Here was no malefactor
at all. Here was a groom leaping to the bridal-chamber ; or a
conqueror passing under the triumphal arch of an ovation!

Suddenly, upon a little eminence overlooking the spot and
instrument of execution, the procession calls a halt. What
does it mean? Th>e victim's face is turned full upon the gal-
lows, and upon the rough pine coffin at its foot. "Oh ! this,
this is cruel, and cowardly !" exclaims one of his two faithful
friends who are following afar off. Beall might avert his face,
but he is a soldier, and will not do it. For nine solid minutes
by the watch is he kept face to face with the gallows, tete-a-tete
with his own coffin.

364 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The eager multitude who, to the number of from three
hundred and fifty to five hundred, had assembled to witness
the execution, are appalled at this delay. But now Beall no
longer regards it ; he does not see the crowd around him ; once
or twice he has smiled at their eager curiosity ; now he no longer
sees them at all. He asks the direction of Fort Lafayette, re-
marks that he has many kind friends there ; he looks smilingly
over the gibbet across the waters of the Bay to the hills of Staten
Island, and the mountains of New Jersey beyond, thence to the
soft blue sky on which they are projected, and finally, up to the
glorious God of day himself; then he exclaims — "How beauti-
ful the sun is ! I look upon it for the last time j" * * *

Again the march is resumed, and the victim passes in the
hollow-square around the scaffold. Before stepping upon it he
turns with a smile to Dr. Weston, and remarks, "As some
author has said, we may be as near God on the scaffold as
elsewhere."

Mounting to the platform, the prisoner takes his seat upon
the chair immediately under the fatal rope. The adjutant of
the post (Lieutenant Keiser of the Second U. S. Infantry)
commences to read the charges, specifications, and the orders
of General Dix for his execution. Beall, little dreaming of the
test to which he is to be subjected, rises respectfully when the
reading is commenced ; but finding that, instead of the last, and
briefest order for his execution, the whole prolix, and unmil-
itary, and unsoldierly pronunciamento of General Dix is to be
gone through with, — he deliberately draws up a chair with his
foot, and resumes his seat. When he hears himself designated
as a citizen of the "insurgent State of Virginia" his smile grows
intensely sad and significant; he sees now the men before him
no longer as his own murderers only, but as the executioners
of a sovereign State — his own beloved Virginia, and he smiles
not in derision, but in protest and remonstrance. Again when
they denounce his heroic attempt to rescue from a vault the
souls of three thousand fellow-soldiers, "piracy," he smiles ; but
when they accuse him of an attempt as a "guerrilla" to "de-
stroy the lives and property of peaceable, and unoffending
inhabitants of said State" (New York), he ceases to smile, and
mournfully shakes his head in denial. But finally, when the
adjutant reaches the concluding passages of the order of General
£)j^ * iK * Beall laughs outright; it is at this point that
the reporters declare that the "prisoner seems to be reminded of
some amusing incident in his military experience." The re-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 365

porters do not understand the joke; the truth is, Beall hears
this homily upon the proprieties of war COMING FROM A
FEDERAL OFFICER; HE hears it, whose home is in the
VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH ! There rises up before
him his own homestead, its desolated fields, its level forests, the
ash heaps which now mark the positions of its once beautiful,
and cottage-like out-houses ; and the thousand other vestiges of
rural beauty despoiled by the brutality of the Federal soldiers,
in its unrestrained career of pillage, plunder, wholesale robbery,
and wanton destruction. He hears the protests of his helpless
mother, and her appeals for protection heeded only by the God
of the widow and fatherless. He remembers the deep burning
insults which Federal officers have heaped, in their language,
upon his own sisters. He hears in the hypocritical cant of
General Dix that officer's own self-condemnation; and knows
that every breath which the commanding general draws is in
default of the penalty which he himself attaches to the viola-
tion of the laws of civilized warfare. He hears a sermon on the
"rules which govern sovereign States in the conduct of hostilities
with each other," by the man who, through his unlicensed, ill-
disciplined, unrestrained, and unpunished soldiery, laid in ashes
William and Mary College, an institution whose associations
were hallowed by the literary nurture of the fathers of the
Republic, and whose vulnerable walls were whitened by the
frosts of a century. A general who, after an arduous campaign,
succeeded in capturing a lunatic asylum, and who is said to have
tendered to its patients the oath of loyalty to the United States,
and who is known to have treated its refractory and unfortunate
inmates with cruelty and inhumanity. * * *

Even the executioner himself grows impatient, and cannot
endure this ordeal. "Cut it short, cut it short!" cries he; "thfe
Captain wishes to be swung off quick !" The crowd murmurs,
and the reporters call his eagerness to perform his office,
"brutality" ; they mistake, he means it in mercy and kindness ;
he is protesting against brutality.

His (Beall's) manner has been throughout one of respectful
attention ; but when he mounts the scaffold, and sits down under
the fatal coil, he turns his back upon the adjutant while he is
reading, and faces in the opposite direction. This attitude he
does not change. What does he mean ? His face is turned upon
his own beloved South! Far over waters, mountains, val-
leys, and intervening hills, through the deep azure sky, travel
his thoughts to the land of tobacco and cotton, of orange and

366 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

palmetto, of moss and magnolia, of chivalrous deeds, and politi-
cal ideas which, rightly understood, gather in their scope the
eternal years of God's own truth, and for which no man should
hesitate to die ! As the martyr sets his face toward Jerusalem,
or the Mussulman toward the shrine of Mecca, so this hero,
dying for the faith of his fathers, turns his face upon the South.
Thus he faces when the last duty save one of the executioner
is performed; and while standing thus, the provost-marshal
asks him whether he has anything to say. Turning upon the
officer of the day, he speaks in a calm, firm voice :

'T protest against the execution of this sentence. It is a
murder! I die in the service and defense of my country! I
have nothing more to say."

A moment afterwards a sword-flash is seen behind him, which
is the signal to the executioner, and the soul of the hero springs
upward with his body.

Thus died in the thirty-first year of his age, on the scaffold,
John Yates Beall. Shameless women, who had long lost the
sense of an emotion, save the curiosity which brought them to
the island on this occasion, were now awed by the grandeur
of this death; rough "machines" (regulars), rebuked this title
by the tribute of a silent tear ; while Federal officers, some of
whom would have given a right arm to have saved this heroic
life, were not ashamed to weep freely, tears both of pity and
admiration.

His body, when dead, was given to his two faithful friends
whose devotion had halted at no sacrifice in their efforts to save
him while living, and they laid it privately to rest in Greenwood
Cemetery, near New York City. Dr. Weston read the burial
service of the Episcopal Church, and poured over the dead hero
the full-tide flood of inspiration which flowed from the lips of
Paul as he described the victorious, sting'less, and eternal
triumph of those who "die in the hope of a resurrection."

At this moment, on Fern Hill, in Greenwood, a plain marble
slab is to be seen inscribed — "John Y. Beall, died February 24th,
1865," marking a green turf COVERED DAILY BY THE
HANDS OF STRANGERS WITH FRESH, BLOOMING
FLOWERS.

The summary hanging of Captain Beall for the crime of
capturing a vessel on Lake Erie with the view of releasing
prisoners on Johnson's Island, and for the crime of an
attempt to capture a railroad train for the purpose of releas-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 367

ing Confederate generals, and securing the safe of the ex-
press company for the use of the Confederate Commissioners
in Canada in defraying the expenses of war, was heard of
at Richmond. The interest of the Confederate Government
in the matter may be inferred from the following official
proceedings :

Richmond Va., March 14, 1865.
The House of Representatives :

In response to your resolution of the 2d instant I herewith
transmit for your information communications from the Secre-
tary of the Navy and the Commissioner for the Exchange of
Prisoners relative to the trial and execution of John Y. Beall,
acting master of the C. S. Navy, by the authorities of the
United States. Jeff'n Davis.

(Enclosure No. i.)

Confederate States of America, Navy Department,

Richmond, March 4, 1865.
The President.

Sir : I have the honor to state in response to the following
resolution of the House of Representatives, referred by you to
this Department —

"Resolved, That the President be respectfully requested to
communicate to this House any information he may have in
regard to the execution of John Y. Beall, of Jefferson County,
Va., by the authorities of the Federal Government ; and whether
any and what action has been taken by this Government on
the subject."

— that the only information I have with regard to the execu-
tion of John Y. Beall is derived from the Federal newspapers,
whose accounts of the event were copied by the Richmond
papers of the 27th ultimo.

Triplicate copies of Mr. Beall's appointment as an acting
master in the Navy were furnished to the Department of State,
upon the request of the Secretary of State, so soon as his arrest
was known here, and another copy was sent by me to the Hon.
Jacob Thompson in Canada.

The printed slip herewith, from the Federal newspapers, pur-
porting to give the details of the arrest, trial, and conviction
of Mr. Beall, is enclosed for further information.

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

S. R. Mallory,
Secretary of the Navy.

368 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

(Sub-enclosure.)

Arrest.

(From a Northern newspaper.)

Beall was arrested through information received on the

Canadian border by John S. Young, chief of the MetropoHtan

Detective Police. Mr. Young also received at the same time

information concerning one of the principal witnesses against

the pirate, and the party being brought to New York, fully

identified Beall by picking him out of a crowd in one of the

rooms at police headquarters. The recognition by this witness

was complete, he having instantly stepped up to Beall and

called him by name, much to the discomfiture of the rebel

captain.

(Enclosure No. 3.)

Richmond, March 11, 1865.
His Excellency the President.

Sir: In the matter of the accompanying resolution of the
House of Representatives I have the honor to submit the
following report:

The case of Acting Master John Y. Beall was never brought
to the attention of the office by any communication, verbal or
written, prior to his execution. The proceedings of the military
commission which' tried him were not pubHshed in the North-
ern papers until the 15th of February. The day for his execu-
tion had been fixed for the i8th of the same month, as if for
the purpose of making any efforts in his behalf by his Govern-
ment impossible. He was reprieved from the 18th to the 24th,
though it seems to have been quietly, if not secretly, done. For
some days after the 24th it was not known here whether or not
he had been executed. On the 27th of February I received a
letter from him, of which the following is a copy, which was
forwarded by order of General Dix after the unfortunate man
had been put to death :

"Fort Columbus, February 21, 1865.
"Col. R. OuLD, Commissioner of Exchange, Richmond, Va.

"Sir : The proceedings of a military commission in my case
published in the New York papers of the 15th instant made
you and my Government aware of my sentence and doom. A
reprieve, on account of some informality, from the i8th to the
24th, was granted. The authorities are possessed of the facts
in my case. They know that I acted under orders. I appeal
to my Government to use its utmost efforts to protect me, and if

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK

369

unable to prevent my murder, to vindicate my reputation. I
can only declare that I was no 'spy' or 'guerrilla/ and am a
true Confederate.

"Respectfully,

"John Y. Beall,
"Acting Master, C. S. Navy."
The cruelty of the enemy was so swift that no sufficient time
intervened between a knowledge of the facts and the execution
to enable any proceedings to be taken.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. OULD,
Agent of Exchange.

CHAPTER XXXVI

Trial of Lieutenant Young and his men at Montreal — Complete
vindication.

The expedition under command of Lieut. Bennett H.
Young- upon St. Albans had continued to excite universal
interest on account of the panic it had created in the United
States along the borders and likewise among the authorities
of Canada.

Lieutenant Young and some of his comrades were in
prison at Montreal, for whom the sympathies of the people
of Canada were cordial and unabated during the impending
trial for extradition. The trial of these Confederates had
now become the most celebrated which occurred during the
Civil War, for the reason that it was forcing an issue between
England and the United States.

Immediately after the raid the grand jury at St. Albans had
indicted Bennett H. Young, Squire Turner Teavis, Alamanda
Pope Bruce, Marcus Spurr, Charles Moore Swager, Joseph
McGorty, William H. Hutchinson, George Scott, Caleb Mc-
Dowell Wallace, James Alexander Doty, Samuel Simpson
Gregg, Dudley Moore, Samuel Eugene Lackey, and Thomas
Bronsdon Collins, for robbery and arson, and the President
of the United States demanded their extradition upon the
charge of a felony under the Ashburton Treaty. This was
the plan for bringing Young and his men into the United
States, when of course the military authorities could at once
take them into custody and execute them as spies or guerrillas.
The demand for extradition could not be made upon the
ground that Young and his men were Confederates who were
guilty of conducting illegitimate warfare. It was therefore
contended at the trial, by the Attorney-General of Canada

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 371

and the counsel employed by the United States, that the
prisoners were guilty of robbery and arson, and their char-
acter as Confederates and the orders of the Confederate
Government for raids upon the United States territory were
disputed and ignored. Every effort was made to prevent the
prisoners from furnishing the evidence from Richmond to
prove their identity and the authority for this or any other
raid in Northern territory.

The prisoners were arrested by a magistrate of Stanbridge,
accompanied by United States detectives and one or more
citizens of St. Albans, who could identify the raiders. Lieu-
tenant Young surrendered voluntarily in order to stand trial
and share the fate of his men.

The prisoners were arraigned in the Police Court at
Montreal, Canada, November 7th, 1864, when the proceed-
ings began by the testimony of the arresting officers and
others.

The charges having been read to the prisoners the court
then said:

Having heard the evidence, do you wish to say anything in
answer to the charge? You are not obliged to say anything,
unless you desire to do so; but whatever you say will be taken
down in writing, and may be given in evidence against you at
your trial.

Whereupon the said Bennett H. Young saith as follows:
"I am a native of Kentucky, and a citizen of the Confederate
States, to which I owe allegiance. I am a commissioned officer
in the Army of the Confederate States, with which the United
States are now at war. I owe no allegiance to the United
States. I herewith produce my commission as first lieutenant
in the Confederate States Army, and the instructions I received
at the time that commission was conferred upon me; reserv-
ing the right to put in evidence further instructions I have
received at such time and in such manner as my counsel shall
advise. Whatever was done at St. Albans was done by the
authority and order of the Confederate Government. I have
not violated the neutrality laws of either Canada or Great
Britain. Those who were with me at St. Albans were all
officers or enlisted soldiers of the Confederate Army, and were

372 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

then under my command. They were such before the 19th of
October last, and their term of enlistment has not yet expired.
Several of them were prisoners of war, taken in battle by the
Federal forces, and retained as such, from which imprisonment
they escaped. The expedition was not set on foot or projected
in Canada. The course I intended to pursue in Vermont, and
which I was able to carry out but partially, was to retaliate in
some measure for the barbarous atrocities of Grant, Butler,
Sherman, Hunter, Milroy, Sheridan, Grierson, and other
Yankee officers, except that I would scorn to harm women and
children under any provocation, or unarmed, defenseless, and
unresisting citizens, even Yankees, or to plunder for my own
benefit. I am not prepared for the full defense of myself and
my command without communication with my Government at
Richmond, and inasmuch as such communication is interdicted
by the Yankee Government, by land and by sea, I do not think
I can be ready for such full defense under thirty days, during
which time I hope to be able to obtain material important
testimony without the consent of said Yankee Government,
from Richmond."

And further the examinant saith not, and hath signed, the
foregoing having previously been read in his presence.

(Signed.) "Bennett H. Young."

The statement of Captain Collins fairly represents the
responses of all the prisoners :

Whereupon the said Thomas Bronsdon Collins saith as fol-
lows : "I am a native of Kentucky and a commissioned officer
of the Army of the Confederate States at war with the so-
called United States. I served under the command of General
John Morgan, and became separated from it at the battle of
Cynthiana, Kentucky. Having eluded the Yankees, I joined
Lieutenant Young afterwards at Chicago, knowing it to be my
duty to my government as well as to myself never to desert its
cause. I owe no allegiance to the so-called United States, but
am a foreigner and public enemy to the Yankee Government.
The Yankees dragged my father from his peaceful fireside
and family circle, and imprisoned him in Camp Chase, where
his sufiferings impaired his health and mind, and my grand-
father has been banished by brute Burbridge. They have
stolen negroes and forced them into their armies, leaving their
women and children to starve and die. They have pillaged and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 373

burned private dwellings, banks, villages and depopulated
whole districts, boasting of their inhuman acts as deeds of
heroism and exhibiting their plunder in Northern cities as
trophies of Federal victories. I have violated no laws of
Canada or Great Britain. Whatever I may have done at St.
Albans, I did as a Confederate officer acting under Lieutenant
Young. When I left St. Albans, I came to Canada solely for
protection. I entered a hotel at Stanbridge unarmed and alone,
and was arrested and handcuffed by a Canadian magistrate
(Whitman) assisted by Yankees. He had no warrant for my
arrest, nor had any sworn complaint been made to him against
me. About $9,300 was taken from me when arrested, part
Confederate booty lawfully captured and held by me as such,
and part of my own private funds. I ask the restoration of
the money taken from me and my discharge as demanded by
the rules of international law. The treaty under which my
extradition is claimed applies to robbers, murderers, thieves,
and forgers. I am neither, but a soldier serving my country in
a war commenced and waged against us by a barbarous foe in
violation of their own Constitution, in disregard of all the
rules of warfare as interpreted by civilized nations and Chris-
tian people, and against Yankees too wise to expose themselves
to danger, while they can buy mercenaries and steal negroes
to fight their battles for them, who whilst prating of neutraUty
seduce your own people along the border to violate the procla-
mation of your august Sovereign by joining their armies, and
leave them when captured by us to languish as prisoners in a
cHmate unwholesome to them. If I aided in the sack of the St.
Albans banks, it was because they were public institutions, and
because I knew the pocket-nerve of the Yankees to be the most
sensitive, that they would suffer most by its being rudely
touched. I cared nothing for the booty, except to injure the
enemies of my country. Federal soldiers are bought up at
$1,000 a head, and the capture of $200,000 is equivalent to the
destruction of 200 of said soldiers. I therefore thought the
expedition 'would pay.' I 'guess' it did in view of the fact
also, that they have wisely sent several thousand soldiers
from the 'bloody front' to protect exposed points in the rear.
For the part I took I am ready to abide the consequences,
knowing that if I am extradited to the Yankee butchers, my
Government can avenge if not protect its soldiers."

And further the examinant saith not, and hath signed, the
foregoing having been previously read in his presence.

(Signed.) "Thomas Bronsdon Collins."

374 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It will be observed that the prisoners relied upon the fact
that they were Confederate soldiers and possessed authority
for the raid upon St. Albans.

The prosecution claimed that the written authority of
Lieutenant Young did not bear the seal of the Confederacy
and other requisites which could only be certified at
Richmond.

After the adjournment in November had been granted the
cases were again called for trial on the 13th of December,
1864. The question was now raised and fully argued by Mr.
Kerr, of counsel for the prisoners, of the jurisdiction of this
court. There was a colloquy and discussion over the point.
At the afternoon session, the Police Judge, Charles J.
Coursol, J. S. P., rendered a lengthy decision in which he
conceded his lack of jurisdiction under the law and the
prisoners were discharged.

The authorities at St. Albans had issued warrants for
thirteen of the raiders whose names had been obtained. The
names of the remainder of the party were never learned by
the authorities of St. Albans or the United States. They
were John D. Mclnnis, William T. Tevis, Charles H. Higby,
Lewis Price, Daniel Mock Butterworth of Alabama, and
John E. Moss. Eight of the number, for whom a requisition
had been issued, namely, Alexander Pope Bruce, George
Scott, Caleb McDowell Wallace, James Alexander Doty,
Joseph McGorty, Dudley Moore, Samuel Eugene Lackey,
and Thomas Bronsdon Collins, managed to elude the officers
in Canada and were never again apprehended.

Immediately after the discharge of the prisoners by Judge
Coursol, Mr. Justice Smith issued a warrant for the re-
arrest of the prisoners, similar to those under which they
had been previously in custody. On this warrant, five out of
the thirteen, namely, Lieut. Bennett H. Young, W. H.
Hutchinson, Squire Turner Teavis, Charles Moore Swager,
and Marcus Spurr, were again arrested, near Quebec, on the
20th day of December, 1864, and brought to Montreal for
examination in the Superior Court.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 375

A question of jurisdiction was now raised by Mr. Kerr
on behalf of the prisoners. This was argued and considered
from day to day until the court on January loth, 1865, over-
ruled the point.

A motion was now made for a delay of thirty days to
enable messengers to return who had been sent through the
United States to Richmond, in order to obtain certified copies
of Lieutenant Young's commission and orders from the
Confederate Government, and of the records showing the
other prisoners to be Confederate soldiers. The adjournment
for thirty days was finally agreed to by the attorneys on both
sides.

J. G. K. Houghton, an eminent attorney of Montreal, on
behalf of the prisoners, had gone to Washington and applied
to Secretary of State Seward and President Lincoln for a
pass through the lines, but both had refused. Mr. Seward's
response was as follows:

Department of State, Washington,

January 30, 1865.

J. G. K. Houghton, Esq., advocate and attorney for the
prisoners whose extradition in the matter of the St. Albans
murders and robberies has been demanded, is informed that the
Government of the United States can hold no communication
or correspondence with him on that subject. The prisoners,
if they submit themselves to the authority of the United States,
need no foreign mediation. So long as they remain under the
protection of a foreign government, and a demand upon that
government for their delivery to the United States is pending,
communications concerning them can be received only from
that foreign government through the customary channels of
national intercourse.

A copy of the papers submitted by Mr. Houghton has been
taken, and the originals are herewith remitted to him, and
he is expected to leave the United States without crossing the
military lines, or attempting to enter the scene of insurrection,
or to communicate with the insurgents.

(Signed.) William H. Seward.

376 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

These facts were alleged by Young and his men as grounds
for a further delay of thirty days. But the court decided to
proceed with the trial, leaving the Confederates in a helpless
plight.

The prosecution having introduced their witnesses to
prove that the prisoners were of the party who made the
attack upon St. Albans, the testimony was now taken in
behalf of the prisoners. The counsel for the defense then
filed paper "P," as evidence of the Confederate character
of Lieutenant Young, etc. A number of witnesses testified in
behalf of the prisoners, and just before the trial ended Rev.
S. F. Cameron arrived safely from Richmond, bringing the
certified documents bearing the great seal of the Confederacy.

Mrs. ,* a widow only 24 years old, employed

by the Confederate Government for secret service in the
Northern States, had come to Montreal and called on the
prisoners at the jail. She volunteered for the journey to
Richmond. After leaving the railroad in Maryland she
walked much of the way through the country occupied by the
enemy in Virginia. She departed from Richmond with the
necessary certified papers, well concealed, one day before
Rev. Mr. Cameron arrived there. These two messengers,
traveling by different routes, reached Montreal on the same
day. She declined to accept from Col. Jacob Thompson any
compensation whatever for her services or expenses. This
devotee of the South was a Kentucky lady. About 1867 she
visited Frankfort when the legislature was in session.
During a recess of fifteen minutes taken in her honor she was
the recipient of an ovation, being presented by Hon. Thomas
T. Coger, of Jessamine County, the home of Lieut. Bennett
H. Young.

*The prisoners never met this lady before or after her visits to the jail
at Montreal. One of the survivors secured her photograph at the jail,
but after forty years her name is forgotten.

In memory of her heroic interest when the lives of the Confederate
prisoners were hanging by a thread all the tribute that can be paid on
their behalf is cheerfully recorded. — Author.

Young Confederate Widow who was a messenger for the

St, Alban's Raiders in getting the proper papers

FROM THE Confederate Government

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 377

Paper P.
Mem. for Lieut. Bennett Young, C. S. A,

Your report of your doings, under your instructions of i6th
June last from the Secretary of War, covering the list of
twenty Confederate soldiers who are escaped prisoners, col-
lected and enrolled by you under those instructions, is received.

Your suggestion for a raid upon accessible towns in Ver-
mont, commencing with St. Albans, is approved, and you are
authorized and required to act in conformity with that
suggestion.

October 6, 1864. C. C. Clay, Jun.,

Commissioner, C. S. A.

Stephen F. Cameron's deposition follows :

I am a citizen of Maryland. I have been in the Confederate
service as a chaplain, from the beginning of the war to the
present time. I was in Richmond on the ist February instant.

[The counsel for the defense produced muster-roll of Com-
pany A, Eighth Kentucky Cavalry, containing the name of Mar-
cus Spurr; copy of muster-roll of Lagrange Light Guard of
Georgia, containing the name of William Hutchinson Huntley ;
copy of muster-roll of Company B, Colonel Chenault's Kentucky
Cavalry, containing the name Squire Teavis ; a copy of muster-
roll of Company H, Second Kentucky Infantry, containing the
name of Charles M. Swager; also copies of two letters of in-
structions addressed to Lieut. Bennett H. Young, dated June
1 6th, 1864, and purporting to be signed by James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.] * * *

Being shown and having the said papers — I say that I
received them from Secretary Benjamin, Secretary of State of
the Confederate States. He affixed his signature to them in my
presence. I did not part with them until I handed them to the
Honorable Mr. Abbott yesterday. The seal was affixed at that
time — that is, the great seal of the Confederate States was
affixed to them when he signed them; and he called my atten-
tion to the seal. This was in the office of the Secretary of
State. I volunteered to go for the papers for the prisoners.

I carried a missive from Colonel Thompson, who arranged
with me about going, and supplied the funds. I called upon
Mr. Benjamin about an hour after my arrival in Richmond, and
he informed me that the papers had been sent by another mes-
senger on the day before. He said that the papers had been

378 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

sent, that everything had been sent, necessary to establish their
belHgerent character, and that they acted under orders. The
following day I called on the President, by appointment, and
asked, that to insure the safe delivery of the papers, I might be
entrusted with a duplicate as a second messenger. He readily
acquiesced, and expressed great anxiety that they should be so
placed as to escape detection, suggesting that the paper con-
taining the great seal should be photographed upon tissue paper,
so as to take up less space. Mr. Benjamin being present,
explained that the muster-roll would take so much space, that
the size of the great seal would be of no consequence. He
stated that he had sent the orders imder which the young men
had acted, previous to their making the raid. He thought that
these papers would be fully sufficient to justify their doings, and
that they would have full justice done them he had no doubt.
The President stated that the prisoners' orders under which
they acted having been sent, constituted superior testimony to
any subsequent ratification. He expressed some surprise as to
the result of Burley's case. I explained to him that in that case
the judge was only a police magistrate, accustomed to deal only
with petty larcenies, but that in this case it was before a Superior
Court judge who would appreciate questions of international
law. He stated as his reason for not issuing his order in this
case, that his general order in the Burley case had been disre-
garded, and he seemed piqued and indignant at that fact. I told
him that if the Confederate States had been as near neighbors
as the Federal States, there would have been, probably, a differ-
ent result. I looked at the papers in the Department of State,
to see that the names were affixed; they are precisely in the
same condition now as when I received them ; I made no request
for any particular papers; I merely presented the message with
which I was entrusted; I never read the letter with which I
was entrusted, and do not know its contents, except that I
understood that it was a letter of introduction, and contained
the names of the prisoners.

[The counsel for the United States, objecting to the whole of
this evidence as illegal and incompetent, decline to cross-ex-
amine this witness.]

(Signed.) S. F. Cameron.

Lewis Sanders testified :

I know Lieut. Bennett H. Young, one of the prisoners; I
know the Hon. Clement C. Clay, Jun. ; I was present at several
conversations between said Mr. Clay and said Lieut. Bennett

Rev. Stephen F. Gameroin

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 379

H. Young, between the 29th of August and the 9th of Septem-
ber last. I heard conversations between them about the attack
on St. Albans, which was subsequently made on the 19th of
October. The purport of these conversations was that Young
was to burn the town if possible, and sack the banks. I am
aware that Mr. Clay furnished Young with money to cover his
expenses at the said raid. Mr. Clay sent me a cheque for $400
or upwards for Mr. Young, toward the expenses of the said
expedition. I gave him the said cheque, and he got the
money on it at Montreal ; this was about two weeks before the
raid. I had no personal knowledge that he got the money, but
I presume he did, as there were funds to meet it.

The attorneys in the case delivered elaborate speeches,
which would be of special interest except for their length.

Mr. Abbott, in defense of the prisoners, in the course of
his speech took occasion to describe a Federal raid in com-
parison with the St. Albans raid :

The sacking and burning of Darien, Georgia, gives us an
excellent practical exemplification of the doctrine of the Federal
States as to what constitutes an act of war. And it forms the
best possible commentary on the scorn, the indignation, and the
horror which the learned counsel have been at such pains to
express, at the comparatively insignificant injuries inflicted by
the prisoners upon the town of St. Albans. I say that I can find
the record in this book (War Record, No. 42) of a thousand
times worse acts than the St. Albans raid, committed in a
thousand instances in the South, by Federal troops, since this
war began.

At the close of the speeches by counsel the court rendered
a lengthy decision in which the case was discussed in all its
phases.

Lieutenant Young and the other prisoners were discharged
by the court upon the ground that they were Confederate
soldiers and duly authorized by their Government to engage
in expeditions against the United States. An extract from
his decision is -given as follows:

380 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Acts of war by the law of nations, are just such acts as the
belligerents choose to commit within the territories of each other.
These acts are done upon the responsibility of the nation, and
the soldiers committing them can in no way be held punishable
for them. They may be what is termed unlawful acts of war,
and violations of the law of nations, but I, as a judge in a neutral
country, cannot sit in judgment upon them. Being committed
within the territory of the belligerent, there is no violation of our
law; nor can the belligerent invoke their unlawfulness before
me. By the international code, reciprocity is acknowledged by
all authors to be one of the obligations of belligerents, and one
of the tests of the lawfulness of their acts as against each other.
Whatever, then, is done by one nation to the other, within
belligerent territory in carrying on the war, must necessarily be
permitted to the other. As a matter of fact, raids of this descrip-
tion have been constantly permitted and justified by and on
behalf of the United States. On what principle then can they
be denied to the so-called Confederate States? However, as
far as regards the violence or unlawfulness of these acts, as a
neutral I have no authority to decide. It is for the belligerents
themselves to deal with these questions; and WHERE
AUTHORITY, EITHER EXPRESSED OR IMPLIED, IS
GIVEN BY ONE BELLIGERENT TO DO THE ACT IT
IS AN ACT OF WAR FOR WHICH ALONE THE BEL-
LIGERENT IS RESPONSIBLE.

It is now of special interest to state that the questions
involved in this trial had been formulated and submitted to
the Government of Great Britain. The decision of the
Queen's Counsel, Sir Hugh Cairns and Mr. Francis Reilly,
in England, was not received until after the trial was ended,
but completely exonerated the Confederate soldiers who com-
posed the expedition against St. Albans.

At the conclusion of the trial of Lieutenant Young and
his comrades, W. H. Hutchinson, S. T. Teavis, C. M.
Swager, and Marcus Spurr, the Attorney-General of Canada
held them upon a warrant from Toronto, which charged a
violation of the neutrality laws of Canada. The penalty for
this offense if convicted was imprisonment for several years
and a fine of ten thousand dollars. The Confederates were

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 381

accordingly carried to Toronto in the custody of a large
force of policemen, where they were placed in jail.

The prisoners received the same ovation from Southern
refugees and Canadian friends at Toronto as in Montreal.
The jailer extended every possible courtesy and accommo-
dation for the comfort of the prisoners.

After a delay of some weeks the prisoners secured an
examining trial. There was no evidence whatever against
Hutchinson, Teavis, Swager and Spurr, and they were dis-
charged. The only testimony against Lieutenant Young was
that of Godfrey J. Hyams, the confidant of Colonel Thomp-
son, who had deserted to the enemy. Hyams testified that
Young had told him of the force which was being organized
in Canada for the St. Albans raid. But the character of this
man had become notorious in Toronto and his unsupported
testimony was not even now relied on by the Canadian Gov-
ernment. Young was allowed to execute bond for $10,000
and was released. Canadian sympathizers promptly fur-
nished the bond. Young continued to appear and demand
trial for months, when, finally, the Government finding
that no case could be made against him, a nolle prosequi was
entered and this noted prisoner departed in peace.

• CHAPTER XXXVII

Arrangements to leave Canada for Richmond — Plan for the
next campaign — Last ditch in the Northern States — Colonel
Thompson remains in Canada to assist in the trials of Con-
federates.

The events which had transpired since the departure of
Hon. C. C. Clay, Jr., from Canada in December had thrown
the entire responsibility of all our affairs upon Colonel
Thompson and he had devoted himself to the interests of
the Confederates whose lives were at stake.

Martin and I had remained in Toronto at Colonel Thomp-
son's request and much of our time had been occupied in con-
ference with him, not only with reference to current troubles
in Canada but also concerning the situation in the Confed-
eracy and in the Northern States. We had discussed all pos-
sible chances for the success of the South, making estimates
of our military strength and its distribution. It had been
evident for weeks that General Sherman would be practi-
cally unopposed on his march northward from Savannah,
and then would come the end. The South was exhausted,
not only in soldiers but in supplies, and without a radical
change of base we all felt that the war was over with the
opening of good weather in the spring when armies could
move. It could not be continued long with Richmond cut
off from the States southward.

It was finally agreed that Martin and I should go through
to Richmond and submit a plan in which Colonel Thompson
had equal confidence with ourselves. It had been his judg-
ment at all times that the Confederacy could get support in
the North if our armies could advance and remain there, but
the "Sons of Liberty" could not be expected to rally upon an

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 383

army of invasion that could be readily driven back. General
Lee had been met promptly by superior numbers in Maryland
and Pennsylvania, and Generals Bragg and Smith, even in
Kentucky, had only made a circuit apparently to obtain
recruits.

The plan was about as follows : We should go to General
Breckinridge, who was now Secretary of War, and first
enlist him in the enterprise if possible. Martin had been a
scout for Breckinridge at Shiloh and knew him well. If
Breckinridge agreed we would go with him to the President
and submit what seemed to be a practical movement.

It should be first stated that at this time Thomas's army
was at Nashville with the advance as far south as Florence,
Alabama, and Chattanooga; Sherman at Columbia, South
Carolina; Grant in front of Petersburg, and some 30,000
or 40,000 troops under different commanders in the Shen-
andoah Valley and West Virginia.

The Federal armies were in fact far to the south on the
west of the mountains and likewise along the Atlantic.

The forces opposing Sherman were north of his position.
It was proposed that this force with all the others being
organized by Beauregard, in North Carolina, should be com-
bined with Lee's army, which would suddenly evacuate Rich-
mond and Petersburg. All these troops it was calculated
would aggregate 90,000 to 100,000 men of all arms, includ-
ing all in North Carolina and Virginia. They could all con-
centrate between Richmond and Lynchburg and march direct
to Staunton and on to Pennsylvania, leaving the South
abandoned. Then threaten Washington and Philadelphia
until confronted by Grant. Meanwhile, the cavalry should
gather up all the horses in the country and mount the infan-
try, until eventually the entire army would be mounted, and
then instead of taking any risks in front of Washington and
Philadelphia, fall back and capture Pittsburg and locate with
the seat of government at Wheeling, some forty miles west

384 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

but still in the South. The army could then face east and-
guard the line from the Ohio River to Lake Erie, a distance
of about one hundred miles.

With the railroads in Pennsylvania torn up and bridges
destroyed, Grant and Sherman would require some time to
meet the new condition of affairs. They would have to
march from the east. The mountains of West Virginia and
the Ohio River were a safeguard on the south and Lake Erie
on the north of Pittsburg. Thomas would be obliged to find
a new base if he kept his army in Tennessee.

Meanwhile, Lee and Johnston would have time to equip
their armies and obtain ample supplies in the enemy's
country and would sever the West from the East.

It seemed that Lee and Johnston would have as little
trouble in making this movement as Sherman had in march-
ing from Atlanta to Savannah. And that a column of 10,000
cavalry under A. P. Hill could have ridden around in New
York, creating considerable alarm in New York City, while
10,000 under Longstreet might have marched west through
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, threatening Cincinnati and tak-
ing Indianapolis.

While this was going on there would be a cry in the North
for help or peace, perhaps both.

The President and Cabinet, being at the temporary seat
of government, could direct affairs from Wheeling. It could
be proclaimed that this army would hold this position until
threatened, when it would retire in marching columns and
be governed by circumstances and the orders of the Govern-
ment in the conduct of the war. Meanwhile, fragments could
follow from the South, coming up through the mountains.

The army it was believed could not be captured after it
was mounted. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Penn-
sylvania could subsist the troops without serious incon-
venience.

The organized and armed forces of the "Sons of Liberty"
could now get help to rendezvous at Chicago or Indianapolis.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 385

It was not believed that Grant alone would undertake to
march from Richmond and follow in pursuit of such an army.
The best that Grant and Sherman could do would be to come
up the Atlantic on transports to Washington, Philadelphia,
and New York. And this would require enough time to
enable Lee and Johnston to establish the new base.

At all events, this army could fall back westward, gather-
ing strength on the march and creating consternation all
over the North. It did not appear that Grant, Sherman, and
Thomas would have any chance to prevent the movement in
the beginning or the subsequent operations.

Of course this change of base would leave the South abso-
lutely at the mercy of the enemy, but the Northern people
and their property would be equally in the power of the Con-
federates, who would be unopposed in marching west on
horseback.

Colonel Thompson was fearful that President Davis would
want to hold Richmond until it would be too late. He
appeared to be informed to the extent that in case of
emergency Lee's army would be directed south through
western North Carolina and then toward Alabama. It was
his opinion that if the proposed change of base should be
approved it ought to be attempted not later than the ist of
May.

I got the impression from Colonel Thompson that Mr.
Clay had expected to communicate with Richmond and
propose the movement, but we had never heard anything on
the subject since his departure. We believed Breckinridge
would favor the plan for the reason that it would free
Kentucky from occupation by the enemy, for If Thomas
faced north he would probably go farther west and be rein-
forced on the river by the army at New Orleans and troops
along the Mississippi. This would enable us to gather
strength from Kentucky and the South. And Dick Taylor
and Forrest by uniting with KIrby Smith would make
another army of 60,000 to march west of the Mississippi

386 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

River to be mounted in Iowa. It could then march eastward
in support of Lee and Johnston and Beauregard. This would
still leave over 100,000 troops scattered over the South, who
could be gotten North and mounted.

None of us -could see the propriety of making the last
ditch in the impoverished South when the gates to the North
and then to the West stood wide open. We felt certain that
the South could afford to have the seat of war transferred
to the North, where we could win or lose at the expense of
the enemy.

Colonel Thompson estimated that our troops in the North-
ern prisons numbered over 80,000 men and that more than
half of them were at Camp Chase, Camp Morton, Camp
Douglas, Springfield, and Rock Island. They could not
be moved east, and likewise those at Johnson's Island. If
possible these would be released promptly and added to the
army.

But we all believed if Lee and Beauregard united their
forces and escaped from Grant the movement was certain
of success. And that with this army mounted the prospects
for the desolation of the North would be so apparent that
peace would be made without further bloodshed or ruin.

After the ist of May it was not believed that gunboats
could ascend to Pittsburg, and if they did they would hardly
expose it to destruction. However, we did not make calcu-
lations beyond the escape of 100,000 men from Grant before
Sherman arrived in Lee's rear. Still, we thought the largest
number it was possible to concentrate had better take that
route by the ist of May. All the remainder of the pro-
gramme could well be left to the authorities and com-
manders.

The proposed movement had been discussed until we were
now enthusiastic on the subject. Colonel Thompson had
been hoping for some tidings from Mr. Clay or some notice
of his arrival in the Confederacy, in which event we would
remain in Canada with Colonel Thompson, and await

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 387

developments. The arrival of Sherman at Columbia, where
he had halted at this time, February ist, indicated that per-
haps he would now turn upon Charleston and remain to
desolate the entire State of South Carolina, with the purpose
of drawing forces away from Lee and other parts of
Virginia.

It was yet midwinter, and the armies were in winter
quarters, but it was deemed best for us to make our way
through the United States and submit the question at Rich-
mond. Sherman had spent over two months marching
through Georgia, and in Savannah, and we believed he would
spend at least three months in South Carolina and North
Carolina to starve Lee's army, while Grant would keep it
employed in holding Petersburg and Richmond. Therefore,
the North was the easiest place to reach and the best place to
go. We thought it would relieve the South.

To us it appeared that nothing could be lost and everything
might be gained by the movement. There was one other
objection that we all feared might be raised at Richmond.
President Davis had not been friendly to the cavalry forces
during the war, and might take a stand against venturing
north with the idea of mounting the army, preferring to
consolidate the remaining strength and fight through toward
the west, whenever Richmond must be abandoned.

In the event of the occupation of Pennsylvania and Ohio
by the Confederate army of cavalry, the holders of govern-
ment bonds and of large amounts of greenbacks, we thought,
would clamor for peace in order to save their profits on the
war.

If necessary the Federal prisoners in the South might be
paroled and allowed to go home.

We learned afterwards that Mr. Clay did reach the Con-
federacy, and it is possible that the Northern movement may
have been suggested by him to President Davis and the Sec-
retary of War, but, if so, it must have been considered with
disfavor, as no mention is made of it by Mi. Davis.

388 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

President Davis says :

In the early part of March, as well as my memory can fix the
date, General Lee held with me a long and free conference. He
stated that the circumstances had forced on him the conclusion
that the evacuation of Petersburg was but a question of time.

* * * There naturally followed the consideration of the
line of retreat. A considerable time before this General Hood
had sent me a paper, presenting his views and conclusions that,
if it became necessary for the Army of Northern Virginia to
retreat, it should move toward Middle Tennessee. The paper
was forwarded to General Lee and returned by him with an
unfavorable criticism, and the conclusion that, if we had to
retreat, it should be in a southwardly direction toward the
country from which we were drawing supplies, and from which
a large portion of our forces had been derived. In this con-
versation the same general view was more specifically stated,
and made to apply to the then condition of affairs. The pro-
gramme was to retire to Danville, at which place supplies should
be collected and a junction made with the troops under General
J. E. Johnston, the combined force to be hurled upon Sherman
in North Carolina, with the hope of defeating him before Grant
could come to his relief. Then the more southern States, freed
from pressure and encouraged by his success, it was expected,
would send large reinforcements to the army, and Grant, drawn
far from his base of supplies into the midst of a hostile popula-
tion, it was hoped, might yet be defeated, and Virginia be
delivered from the invader. Efforts were energetically con-
tinued to collect supplies in depots where they would be avail-
able, and, in furtherance of the suggestion of General Lee as
to the necessary irrtprovement in the condition of his horses,
the Quartermaster-General was instructed to furnish larger
rations of corn to the quartermaster at Petersburg.

It appears from the plans of President Davis that a retreat
to Middle Tennessee was not approved by General Lee, and
that the route due south from Danville was adopted.

It had occurred to us that the Confederate troops would
be in far better spirits on horseback in the North, where sup-
plies were abundant, than struggling in hunger and in rags
through the summer months in the sultry South, among thQ

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 389

famine-Stricken families and ruined homes of the soldiers,
with scenes of desolation yet to follow the paths of the
invading armies of the enemy.

CHAPTER XXXVIII

The trouble of reaching Richmond — Situation in Kentucky,
West Virginia, and Tennessee.

It was now a serious undertaking not only to get safely
out of Canada but to pass through the United States and
reach the lines of the Confederacy in Virginia.

We must either go through the department of Burbridge
in Kentucky, striking the trail for Pound Gap about Mt.
Sterling, or through the West Virginia mountains, an equally
dangerous route that would be new to us.

At Toronto we were fully advised of local conditions in
all the border States, including Tennessee. We finally con-
cluded to venture through Kentucky. Two cases in Ken-
tucky and two in Tennessee will fairly show the situation :

Richmond, January 12, 1865.
Lieut.-Col. John E. Mulford^ Assistant Agent of Exchange.

Sir: Reliable information has been furnished to the Con-
federate authorities that Col. J. D. Morris and Major T. Steele,
of the Confederate Army, are confined in the jail at Lexington,
Ky., and are heavily ironed. It is further represented that they
are to be tried as spies. Colonel Morris and Major Steele were
acting under orders from the War Department at Richmond
at the time of their capture. They had been ordered to go into
Kentucky for the purpose of recruiting their regiments and
bringing out soldiers belonging to the Confederate Army.

I now notify you and the Federal authorities through you
that Col. W. R. Hartshorne, One Hundred and Ninetieth Penn-
sylvania Regiment, and Maj. E. S. Horton,. Fifty-eighth
Massachusetts Regiment, have been selected for treatment
similar to that received by Colonel Llorris and Major Steele.
Whatever punishment is suffered by the latter will be visited
upon the two named Federal officers.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. OULD,
Agent of Exchange.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 391

Office Commissary-General of Prisoners,

Washington, D. C, January 21, 1865.
Bvt. Maj.-Gen. S. G. Burbridge,

Commanding District of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky.
General : I am authorized to request that Col. J. D. Morris
and Major T. Steele, of the rebel army, who are said to be con-
fined in the jail at Lexington, Ky., and in irons, be immediately
released and forwarded under proper guard to Lieut.-Col.
John E. Mulford, agent for exchange of prisoners, Fort Mon-
roe, Va. Please report action taken.
I am. General, very respectfully.

Your obedient servant,

H. W. Wessells,
Brig.-Gen., U. S. Vols., Inspector and Com.-Gen. of Prisoners.

When Colonel Morris arrived at Richmond he reported as
follows :

Richmond, March 13, 1865.

To THE HONORA-BLE COMMITTEE OF THE CONFEDERATE SeNATE.

Sirs: During a short conference held on yesterday, at the
suggestion of Colonel Ould, between the Honorable Senator
Watson, a member of your committee, and myself, the state-
ments which I then made respecting my own treatment and that
of other prisoners confined by the Federal authorities at Lex-
ington, Ky., during the past fall and winter, were regarded by
Mr. Watson of much importance.

>!« Hi 5}= * H« * *

For certain purposes which it would be irrelevant to state
here, with a commission of C. S. colonel in my pocket. I went
into Kentucky about the middle of October last. I was accom-
panied by Col. R. J. Breckinridge and Major Steele. Upon
reaching the interior, after passing over a country almost ruined
by the marauding parties of both armies,' by extraordinary
exertions and precautions, we reached the hills of Owen County,
on the Kentucky River, all safe.

Colonel Morris, after a graphic account of his conceal-
ment, encounters with Federal scouting parties, and capture,
continues as follows :

At Lexington we were carried to the office of the provost-
marshal, who, a'fter insulting and using the most abusive lan-
guage to us all, had us committed to the prison. The prison was

392 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

an old warehouse, in a long room in which were about 120 men
of all descriptions — Yankee deserters, men belonging to General
Grant's army who had been sent through the lines by the Con-
federate Government and captured in Kentucky, men who
belonged to the guerrilla bands who infest the State, bounty
jumpers, disaffected citizens, and Confederate soldiers.

The executions under the bloody order of General Burbridge
commenced about this time. One day immediately after my
arrival the provost-marshal. Lieutenant Vance, came into the
room, and looking over the men picked out fifteen. They were
carried down-stairs. In a short time five of them returned.
They had drawn lots for their lives and escaped ; the other ten
were taken out and shot. The day after six others were carried
out and executed. Three men who were brought in and be-
longed to Jessee's command, within four hours after their arrival
were carried from the prison and hung, and this went on until
twenty-eight of our number, almost invariably Confederate
soldiers, had fallen victims to this unheard-of barbarity. You
may imagine — I cannot describe — the horror and dread which
spread among the prisoners at witnessing these scenes. These
men were not tried before a military commission or court
martial. They were simply selected by the provost-martial, as
it seemed to me, without any reference to the guilt or innocence
of the parties, just as a butcher would go into a slaughter pen
and select at his will the beeves or the sheep or the hogs which
he might wish to destroy. The thing was very horrible. About
one-half of the men in the prison were in irons, some of them
with handcuffs on their wrists, others with balls and chains on
their limbs ; many of them chained together two and two.

In the late part of January I was taken ill. I suffered greatly
for several days. The doctor, who was kind, on the fourth day
after my attack pronounced my disease smallpox or varioloid
and decided to send me to the pest-house. A horse-cart was
driven to the door of the prison and I was placed in it with a
poor negro from another prison, and, with the wind blowing
fiercely and the snow falling fast, we were carried to a house
some three miles in the country, which was used as a hospital
for smallpox patients of all kinds. My courage had been tried
upon many a battlefield — I have confronted death in a thousand
shapes — but never was it so severely tried as when I was con-
ducted into the small room where I was to be treated for this
loathsome disease. There were seven patients already in the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 393

room, several of them in the last stages of the disease, all of
them horribly swollen and wretchedly offensive. My clothes,
everything belonging to me except the chains upon my limbs,
were taken from me and carried away. I was dressed in some
old Federal traps and placed upon a straw mattress on a little
iron bedstead. The same evening one of the men in my room
died ; he was taken out at once to be buried, and I was imme-
diately transferred to his place. There was a large negro on
one side of me dreadfully ill, and beyond conception offensive.
Next morning another man died. This poor fellow was from my
prison, and like me had fetters upon his limbs. After his death
men came in, knocked the chains from the stiffening corpse,
and he was carried off. Immediately I was changed to his
place. Next day another man, one of the negroes, died, and
they were about to move me again, but I protested and they
desisted. My attack was a slight one, and in ten days I was
back in my prison quarters. Here, after remaining some time
longer, it was announced to me that I was to be sent on for
special exchange. My irons were taken off and I was placed
upon the cars and sent to Louisville and thence to Fort Monroe.
Such is an imperfect narrative of my capture and confinement.
Very respectfully,

J. D. Morris,
Colonel, C. S. Army.

City of Richmond, Va., to-wit:

Col. J. D. Morris, C. S. Army, being by the undersigned duly
sworn, made oath that the foregoing statement by him made
is true, to the best of his knowledge and belief.

Given under my hand this i8th day of March, 1865.

R. R. HowisoN,
Notary Public, Richmond, Va.

Lexington, Ky., March 14, 1865.
His Excellency Abraham Lincoln,

President of the United States, Washington City, D. C.
Sir : Not many months ago I was a prisoner of war in the
hands of the Confederates, and my brother, Robert J. Breck-
inridge, a colonel in the rebel army, exerted himself actively,
though unsolicited, to effect my exchange and ministered very
materially to my personal comfort while I was in confinement.
He was recently captured in Kentucky and sent to the Ohio
Penitentiary at Columbus. Concerning his capture or history
I will say nothing, but that they who know him best know him

394 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

to be an honorable and humane officer, and there can be no
testimony to the contrary. I write now to ask and urge you
with all earnestness to have him put upon the list for exchange.
You have the power, you know my desire, and must feel better
than I can express what I would say.

Your obedient servant, with respect and some admiration,

*JosEPH C. Breckinridge.

(First indorsement.)

March 20, 1865.
Respectfully referred by the President to the Honorable
Secretary of War. Jno. G. Nicolay,

Private Secretary.

(Fourth indorsement.)

Office Commissary of Prisoners,

Louisville, Ky., April i, 1865.
Respectfully returned to the Commissary-General of Prison-
ers, with the information that Col. R. J. Breckinridge,
Provisional Army, Confederate States of America, is held as
a prisoner of war, and is so reported in five-days' report of
February 28, 1865. He was forwarded to the STATE PRISON
AT COLUMBUS, OHIO, FEBRUARY 27, 1865, BY
ORDER OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR, THROUGH
MAJOR-GENERAL PALMER, COMMANDING DE-
PARTMENT OF KENTUCKY. Chas. B. Pratt,

Captain and Commissary of Prisoners.

(Seventh indorsement.)

April 7, 1865.
This application is creditable to the good feeling of the appli-
cant, but the undersigned sees no reason for making this case
exceptional in the treatment of it.

E. A. Hitchcock,
Major-General of Volunteers.

Richmond, March 20, 1865.
Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, U. S. Army.

General: The following named Confederate soldiers are
now in close confinement in the penitentiary at Nashville. They
are all privates and belong to the commands indicated. Some,
if not most of them, are dressed in convict clothes.

*A general at headquarters in Washington during Spanish-American
war.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 395

H. L. Bell, Tenth Tennessee Cavalry ; John O. Scarborough,
Eighth Kentucky; John S. Holder, Fourth Tennessee; Z. F.
Bailey, Richard King, Eighth Kentucky; J. Phillips, H. F.
Phillips, Lyon's command; R. B. Vaughan, Eleventh Ten-
nessee Cavalry; William Andrews, First Kentucky Cavalry;
Private Reaves, Ninth Tennessee; Y. K. Miller, Jesse
Broadway, Forrest's command.

I will thank you to cause an order to be issued for their
release and delivery.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. OULD^

Agent for Exchange.

Richmond, March 23, 1865.
Brig.-Gen. John E. Mulford^ Assistant Agent of Exchange.

Sir: The officers who were recently sent from Nashville,
Tenn., some eight or nine in number, concur in the statement
that the following named Confederate officers and soldiers
were hung in Nashville at the times named, to wit :

Lieutenant Mosely, on the 30th day of September, 1864
Capt. J. F. Fraley, Fourth Tennessee Cavalry, in May, 1864
Private Lee Cathey, Forty-first Tennessee, in June, 1864
Private Jesse Nearing, Thirty-second Tennessee, in June, 1864
Private Robert T. Gossett, Forty-second Tennessee, on the 8th
of July, 1864; two brothers by the name of West, belonging to
the Thirty-second Tennessee, in June, 1864.

Several of the returned officers witnessed the executions.

These men belonged to regular commands and were in the
discharge of their duty when captured. I will thank you to
inform me why these executions took place, and why Con-
federate soldiers, whom the fortune of war has thrown in the
hands of your military authorities, are thus treated. It
is very easy for you to find out the truth or falsity of this
representation, and I therefore request an early response to
this communication.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. OULD,
Agent of Exchange.

General Mulford took no notice of this letter from Com-
missioner Ould, and no response was ever made from any
source.

CHAPTER XXXIX

Departure from Canada — Journey to Cincinnati — ^Arrival and
sojourn in Louisville — Preparations for journey to Virginia.

We started from Toronto on the 2d day of February.
Colonel Thompson gave us a letter of introduction to Colonel
Steele at Windsor opposite Detroit. Steele v^as a refugee
from Woodford County, Kentucky. We arrived at Windsor
a little after i o'clock p. m. and slipped from the station
out a back way without coming in contact with any one. We
found Colonel Steele at home and upon his advice we took
a note of introduction from him to an old Frenchman, who
lived on the Detroit River twelve miles below Windsor,
where Colonel Steele sent us in his sleigh.

The Detroit River was wide here and continued to spread
toward Lake Erie, six miles below. But it was frozen over.
We walked across about dark and soon arrived near the
little station on the railroad.

The train from Detroit was not due for an hour, and to
avoid meeting any one at the station we got on top of a long
rick of cordwood beside the track and laid down. It was a
relief, however, when we got in the car, as the weather was
very cold. We secured seats together, and making connec-
tion at Toledo we went on to Cincinnati.

There were large bodies of troops here, but generally
moving in and out in different directions by railroads and
by steamboats on the Ohio River.

It occurred to us that we might safely capture two horses
here from Federal officers when we were ready to go South.
We examined the ferries to Newport and Covington, Ky.,
several times to see what the chances would be to escape

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 397

when we got the horses. It seemed to be an impossible route
in every way. We had good chances to get the horses of
officers that were hitched at headquarters and about gov-
ernment supply depots, but there was also a good chance for
a chase, and we must necessarily start on a strange route
in the enemy's country until we could find a ferry up or down
the river.

Our stay in Cincinnati was not deemed safe any longer
and we concluded to spend a few days in Louisville before
starting to Virginia. We left Cincinnati in the afternoon on
the mail steamer and arrived at Louisville the next day. Both
of us knew the city well before the war. We stopped at
Rufer's European Hotel on Fifth street for two days. Still
there was danger that we might meet acquaintances who
belonged to the Union Army in any public place, and we spent
the third day in trying to find a boarding-house. It began
to look as if we would fail, until we applied to Mrs. Lynn,
who lived on the northeast corner of First and Main streets.
She seemed anxious to accommodate us but was crowded for
room. The only chance she said was to put us in a large
room, which she showed us, that was occupied by Major
McClurg, of Philadelphia, a surgeon in the army, if one
of us would sleep with the Major and the other on a single
bed which she would provide. We agreed to this, subject
to the agreement of Major McClurg. We waited until he
arrived for supper and were introduced. After we ex-
plained that our homes were near Fort Wayne, Indiana, and
our object to locate at Louisville in a business enterprise,
he readily consented. We returned after supper and found
our room in order. Colonel Martin decided to share the bed
with Major McClurg. The evening was spent with the
Major, on whom we endeavored to make a favorable impres-
sion. In stating our plans for locating in Louisville we
expressed belief that the war was virtually ended and a
place on the border would be a good opening for business
with the return of peace. It was our idea to be among the

398 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

first to realize the advantages of the opportunity. And yet
in the interim it might be best for us to secure situations and
become famiHar with the trade in the surrounding territory
before investing the capital that would be at our command.
The Major appeared to feel an interest in us, and while he
doubted if with his acquaintance he could aid us in finding
positions, yet he would cheerfully commend us to all who
would have any regard for his recommendations.

The Major was on duty at one of the military hospitals,
where he was engaged for a brief period in the morning and
again in the afternoon.

We had a very good excuse now for spending time in
our room at any hour of the day, and frequently the Major
joined us and we engaged in the game of three-handed
euchre. The Major explained to us the military conditions
in Louisville and Kentucky, as we were from the country
away up in Indiana and knew very little about the operations
of troops in actual warfare. He said there were about twenty
thousand infantry encamped in and around Louisville, many
or most of them being new regiments that were being drilled
and equipped for organization into brigades to be sent for-
ward to General Thomas's army in Tennessee. He said
Major-General John M. Palmer was commanding the army.
in Kentucky, with headquarters in Louisville on Chestnut
street.

The Major told us that the worst thing in the country was
the guerrillas. He would work into a frenzy in telling about
their operations. "The infernal villains," he would exclaim,
"come up sometimes to the outskirts of the city and shoot the
guards around the camps. They hide in the woods among
the hills all over the State, and we have to keep cavalry in
all the county-seats and infantry in stockades at all the rail-
road bridges and tunnels or the scoundrels would ruin every-
thing. But they dodge about and shoot our men from am-
bush, shoot Union men, steal horses and everything else they
want. They pay for nothing. I would not go out a mile

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 399

beyond one of our camps for half this town !" were his words.
''What do they look like?" we inquired. "I don't know,"
he answered; but continuing he said, "From what I have
learned they are a good deal like the average rebels in appear-
ance and wear all sorts of clothes and are regular dare-
devils."

I had not been in the city since August, 1859, but every
building on Main street was familiar and many of the old
firms were still in business. I was certain none of my old
friends would know I had ever been in the Confederate
Army. The old firm of Bryant, Harris & Barbee, for whom
I had been bill clerk, was out of business, and Mr. Barbee
lived out at Pewee Valley and was a strong rebel.

I went to the Louisville Hotel. The office was crowded
with officers of the army of all grades. Among them was
General Palmer. I noticed he was a major-general, and a
captain with whom I talked told me his name.

I carried my discharge from the Confederate army at
Knoxville, Tennessee, October 21, 1862, in my pocket, and
if any Union officer or soldier recognized me I intended to
claim that I was here seeking a situation in business where
I had lived before the war, etc.

When I went to my room at Mrs. Lynn's, Colonel Martin
had returned. During the day he had met Dr. Benjamin
Redford, a splendid ex-Confederate friend. Redford had
been the first surgeon of the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry, the
regiment of Colonel Johnson and Colonel Martin when they
operated down in western Kentucky, in 1862, but on account
of bad health had resigned and quit the service. Redford
had told Martin of some fine horses that he hoped we could
get when we were ready to go. They belonged to Major
Julius Fosses of General Palmer's staff, and were kept in a
stable near his office on Sixth street, between Chestnut and
Broadway. Redford thought Fosses rode down to the Louis-
ville Hotel every morning, which would be our best chance
to see the horses.

400 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

We went out Sixth street with Redford and located
Fosses's office in a two-story brick dwelHng-. It was agreed
that we would get two of Major Fosses's horses at night
out of the stable and escape from the city without risk of
pursuit, as we now knew there were no picket posts on any
of the roads leading out of the city. We concluded to buy
fine new saddles of the Texas ranger pattern, and other
articles we contemplated buying while in Cincinnati. These
things we intended to take in a buggy and hide them in the
woods some miles out in the county, and it was deemed
essential that we should know a good farmer who was a
friend of the South.

Next morning I conferred with Mr. Litchen. He did not
know any one out in the county to recommend, but suggested
that my old friend John M. Robinson, a wholesale dry goods
merchant, was a Southern sympathizer and was well
acquainted in the county. Mr. Robinson greeted me cor-
dially when I took him alone to the middle of his store among
the stacks of goods and told him my business. He at once
recommended Dr. Thomas Bohanan, on the Eighteenth
street or Salt River road, five miles from the city. Mr. Rob-
inson kindly offered me assistance, financial or otherwise,
which was appreciated but not needed.

In the afternoon we hired a horse and buggy on Third
street, between Market and Main streets, and drove out to
Dr. Bohanan' s. He gave us a hearty welcome and appre-
ciated the opportunity to do us a favor. However, the woods
adjacent to his farm were not suitable for hiding our
baggage nor for us to conceal ourselves in case of an
emergency. The Doctor suggested that his son Robert lived
nine miles farther down the road in a heavily timbered
locality, where there would be no danger to our baggage or
ourselves. But he said he thought we were the biggest
fools that he ever heard of in his life. He thought if we did
not get caught and shot we would be lucky. No troops were
encamped on this road except about Tenth street on Broad-
way in the city.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 401

The next morning we bought saddles, large gray saddle
blankets, and halters from W. H. Stokes & Company, on
Main street, and ordered them sewed up in burlap sacks. As
soon as I could go and hire the horse and buggy we drove
around to the store for our bundle and started

We reached the home of Robert Bohanan, near Meadow
Lawn, but found him away from home. An old negro
woman in the kitchen said he would not return before night.
We went around his farm to a place where the woods were
dense and found a large fallen tree. We concealed our
packages in the top of it with chunks and old leaves, and
returned to the city without meeting Bohanan. This was on
Friday, the 24th day of February, 1864.

CHAPTER XL

Plans and efforts to capture Vice-President-elect Andrew
Johnson at the Louisville Hotel.

After supper on the night of the 24th, Major McClurg was
reading the daily paper and called our attention to a notice
of the arrival, at the Louisville Hotel, of Andrew Johnson
of Tennessee, Vice-President-elect on the ticket with Mr.
Lincoln, reading it aloud. In a few minutes Martin gave
me a significant nod, while the Major was still reading, and
said it was time for us to go, winking at the same time. I
readily assented, and Martin explained to the Major that
we had an engagement but hoped to return before bedtime
for a game of euchre. After we reached the street Martin
said the idea had occurred to him that we might get the
three Confederates Dr. Redford had named and take Johnson
out of the Louisville Hotel and exchange him for Beall, or
carry him through to Virginia as a prisoner of war. After
discussing the subject and a great many different plans, we
settled on one that we believed could be executed. But all
depended on the location of Johnson's room in the hotel.

We became enthusiastic over the adventure, upon the
idea that if we could land Johnson in Richmond as a prisoner
of war, it would result at least in a general exchange of
prisoners and through him arrangements might be made to
end the struggle.

About 9 o'clock next morning I went to the Louisville
Hotel to make observations. I found that Johnson occupied
a room on the second floor on the ladies' side, about midway
between the ladies' entrance and the dining-room and the
stairway leading to the ladies' entrance from the street. I

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 403

went down this stairway and found the door was attended
by a negro servant who sat in the small hallway just inside
the door, which was kept closed. This was the most favor-
able situation we could possibly wish to find.

When I descended to the office it was swarming with
officers of the army of all grades. I secured a seat rather
out of the passway and, with a newspaper before my face,
sat and watched the crowd, hoping to get a glimpse of John-
son. Presently, there was a stir in front of the office counter.
General Palmer was the first man whom I recognized. He
was introducing some officers to Andrew Johnson. Quite
a crowd gathered around them, while officers and many
ladies were leaning over the railing above and peering at
the glittering throng below. Mr. Johnson was clean shaven
and appeared to be in the best of health. Shortly after,
General Palmer took Johnson's arm and they started ,up the
stairway, followed perhaps by half a dozen officers and
several citizens, among whom I recognized my former friend,
George D. Prentice, the editor of the Louisville Journal. I
learned from the clerk that Mr. Johnson would spend Sunday
in the city. I then hastened up the street to meet Martin at
our room.

Martin had left Mrs. Lynn's with me in the morning and
had gone to find Dr. Redford to have him get the three Con-
federates for a conference. I waited for him until one
o'clock, when he returned, and reported that he had not seen
Redford and the best he could do was to get his father to
send one of his clerks out of the store to find him by half
past two.

Martin was in great spirits when I reported my infor-
mation of the situation at the Louisville Hotel. Our arrange-
ments were easy to make now.

It was our plan to hire a hack at 7 o'clock, put the three
Confederates in it, and let them stop near the pavement about
one hundred feet from the ladies' entrance and stay there
until we came out with Johnson, when they would drive up

404 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

promptly and all jump out to see that we got him in safely.
Meanwhile, one of the men was to leave the hack and stand
around near the ladies' entrance, peering through the glass
window occasionally, to see when we came down the stair-
way. He would then call out, "Oh, George!" which would
be the signal for the hack to come quickly.

Meanwhile, Martin and I would slip into the hotel to
the second floor and, while Martin remained about the parlor,
I would leisurely pass about Johnson's room and, if found
vacant, go on to the dining-room door and ask the door-
keeper if he was at supper, or whether he was yet to come.
At all events, when he finished his supper we expected him
to go to his room when he came out — perhaps alone, but if
accompanied by one or more persons we would wait for them
to come out. If Mr. Johnson came out with them we would
appear and speak to him, claiming to be from Tennessee and
having special business just for a few minutes, and get him
to excuse himself from his company. But if alone we
would be in better shape. I was to remind Johnson of
meeting him at Nashville, and of being introduced by
Emerson Etheridge, from Dresden in West Tennessee, and
then begin an earnest story about an appointment for me by
the President, of which Mr. Etheridge had spoken at the
time, etc. When Johnson at any moment seemed to be
listening to me and off his guard, Martin was to draw his
pistol, unobserved, and get the drop on him, and in a moment
I would cooperate. "This doesn't mean any harm. Just keep
quiet a minute and I will tell you what it does mean, other-
wise you will be killed in two seconds," were the words
Martin was to use in a mild but positive manner. We took
it for granted Johnson would have enough curiosity to listen
quietly rather than be killed. Then Martin would tell him
quietly, and with earnest eyes and voice, that we had two
friends who were confined at Tenth and Broadway, who
were condemned to be shot the next Friday, and we came in
here to capture General Palmer and take him out in the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 405

country about twenty miles to hold him as a hostage for those
two men, but have a chance to take you (Johnson) quietly
without hurting a hair of your head. If you go with us
quietly, well and good. If you refuse we will kill you right
here. And then demand his surrender instantly. We be-
lieved he would surrender, for all these remarks were to be
made so fast that Johnson would have no time to consider,
while our navy sixes would be pointed at his breast. How-
ever, if he called out or cried murder, then we would back
out, holding him at bay until I got out the key and put it on
the outside, when we would lock the door, and if met by any
one near by we would tell them there was a crazy man inside,
while we would quietly or by force descend the stairway,
pass out the ladies' entrance to our hack, and drive away. If
Johnson surrendered, then we would instruct him to walk
between us, prepared to die the moment he raised an alarm.
We would then escort him to the hack and drive away as
explained above. After leaving the hotel we would drive
down Main to Eighth street, thence to Market and down to
Twelfth street, out then to Broadway and on out the
Eighteenth street road.

In the latter event we did not expect to be pursued, so
intended to stop in front of some saloon on Market street and
send the driver inside with two dollars to buy us a quart of
whisky, while our man on the driver's seat would hold the
horses. The moment the driver disappeared inside we would
drive rapidly away and leave him behind.

These details were well understood between Martin and
me and he hurried away to meet Redford. He proposed to
go with Redford to find the men and bring them to our
room, where I was to remain and wait for their arrival.
Major McClurg never came before 6 o'clock, so we could
drill the men thoroughly on their part outside the hotel,
which was attended with little risk unless in an emergency
they might have to come to our assistance to help hold
rescuers at bay until we could all get into the hack and escape.

406 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

One of the men, however, was to sit on the seat with the
driver all the time and never let him drive away and leave us.

Martin returned to the room about 5 o'clock. He found
Redford and they made the rounds to find the three Con-
federates, but they only found one. Another was staying
across the river in Jeffersonville, Indiana, at the house of a
relative. A messenger had been sent over for him. The one
Martin saw, a fine fellow from Tennessee, was ready to help
us without being told what we proposed to do. They were
to come to our room by 6 o'clock at the latest, otherwise
they were to go one at a time into the restaurant on Jefferson
street, just below the Masonic Temple Theater, and wait
until Martin or Redford arrived.

Martin had told Redford about our plan and he had pro-
posed to stand in front of the Louisville Hotel and come to
our aid in an emergency; and, especially, to hold the hack
horses by the bridle bit as if he was trying to keep us from
leaving, but would turn them loose at the proper moment and
push any one else away, if necessary, who might try to catch
the horsco after we got in. Redford had already shown
Martin a hack with a negro driver, and Martin had engaged
it to be at the corner of Sixth and Main streets promptly at
a quarter to 7 o'clock, and then wait for him to come. The
hackman understood that a party of gentlemen were to drive
for a couple of hours or more.

It was a long hour from 5 to 6 o'clock, and yet none of
our Confederate boys appeared. After supper we again
excused ourselves from Major McClurg, and went around
to the restaurant to meet Retford and the Confederates.
We found Redford and one of the hoys, the one Martin saw,
waiting for us. This one had failed to find his friend in
the afternoon but had left a message for him to come there.
In about half an hour he arrived. Not long afterwards the
one from Jeffersonville came in. After a few pleasant re-
marks, and eating some oysters, an engagement was made

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 407

to meet on the levee Sunday morning at lo o'clock, when we
would go up on the river bank and talk without attracting
any attention.

As it was now 8 o'clock, Martin suggested that I go
and release the hackman by paying his bill, and then make
some observations of Johnson's movements in the hotel,
while he would remain with the men and see if they were
true-blue before we took them into our confidence.

I soon got through with the hackman and entered the
hotel, which was like a bee-hive as before. I could not see
Johnson anywhere, so passing up-stairs, along with others,
I strolled around toward Johnson's room. The door was
wide open and he seemed to be receiving friends. At least
half a dozen persons were in the room. I stopped at the
door a moment as it seemed to be a jolly crowd, but they
did not appear to notice me. All were standing about the
fireplace, and Johnson's back was to the door. I moved
away and stood in the hall near the parlor for a short time.
It did not appear that any one was specially noticing other
people. The crowd up-stairs was not large, being mostly
ladies. All seemed to be gazing over the railing on the crowd
below. It looked to me that, if Johnson was alone, we could
take him now or might do it later in the evening. I hurried
back to the restaurant but found my friends gone.

When I reached our room at 9.30 Martin and Major Mc-
Clurg were playing euchre. "Did you see that man?" Mar-
tin inquired. I told him I did. He excused himself for a
moment and drew me out into the hall. He had sounded
the three Confederates well. They were veterans, had all
made daring escapes, and were ready to join us in whatever
we expected to undertake before our departure. I told Mar-
tin briefly what a good opening there would be when John-
son's company broke up and he was left alone, etc., but of
course it was too late now as the men had separated and had
gone to their stopping places.

408 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It was deemed best, next morning, for Redford and me
to remain away and let Martin alone arrange with the men
on the levee, as four men would attract less attention than
six. Then we all met together at the same restaurant on
Jefferson street at 12 o'clock. Martin had a thorough under-
standing with the men and they all told me they would stay
with us to the last, if we had any trouble in escaping from
the hotel.

We soon separated to meet at Sixth and Main streets
promptly at 6 o'clock. And at the appointed hour every man
reported on time. Martin had secured the same hackman
again, and he was there. I did not stand in the crowd, neither
did Redford. Martin had a talk with the driver and then
directed one of the men to take his stand near the ladies'
entrance. The other two stood around the hack, it being
understood that one of them was to ride on the seat outside
with the driver, as we had a friend in the hotel who was to
go along if he had finished supper.

At 7 o'clock I passed into the hotel and into the upper
corridor, taking a seat by the railing. In a few minutes
Martin came up and sauntered around toward the ladies*
parlor, across the hall from me, and found a chair where he
looked at what appeared to be a letter. I walked down the
hall, passing Johnson's room slowly. There was no light
inside, so I walked on to the dining-room door. A number
of gentlemen with ladies, and officers, were in the hall going
both ways. I looked into the dining-room but could not see
Johnson anywhere. The doorkeeper, or usher, told me he
had not been in yet and said he did not eat dinner until two
o'clock. I reported to Martin and resumed my seat, which
was near the inner wall over the east side of the office^ —
where I was not conspicuous — and kept a close watch below
and about the halls up-stairs for Johnson. Martin was doing
the same, and moved around toward the main stairway, going
into the reading-room and gentlemen's parlor, but he strag-
gled out again and sat down to wait. Probably an hour had

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 409

elapsed when Martin proposed to go down by the ladies'
entrance and tell the boys to be patient. He returned pres-
ently, and said he had made a friend of the servant that stood
at the door inside. He said the servant was a woman this
time, and he said he told her he was every minute expecting
his mother to arrive at the hotel from Cincinnati, and that he
was waiting for her. We loafed around up there, without a
thing to do, until 8.30 p. m. Johnson never appeared any-
where. I passed his room several times, just walking back
and forth for exercise, thinking perhaps he was asleep. I
finally knocked on his door but there was no response. If
he answered I was going to say I was a friend and would
call later — at the same time asking what time he would be
up. I resumed my seat and watch on the crowd below.
Martin went down again to hold the men, and on his return
reported them all waiting but a little cold and afraid to go
after a drink, but he told them to go and bring back a half
pint for the driver. It was now after 9 o'clock and, after
sitting quietly a while, Martin got up without saying a word,
walked around the passageway and down the stairway to
the office, following two or three persons down. He then
edged through the crowd to the counter and talked a minute
to the clerk, then moved out toward the front door, and look-
ing up at me motioned for me to follow. I went down and
out the ladies' stairway. Martin settled with the hackman
and dismissed him. Then taking me to one side he said he
had asked the clerk if "Governor Johnson of Tennessee was
in." The clerk answered that Governor Johnson left on a
boat at 5 o'clock in the afternoon for Cincinnati. Martin
then explained the fortunate or unfortunate termination of
our expedition to our Confederate friends, who left us to
meet again when we were ready to go out.

We realized that we had lost a great opportunity when we
neglected the one vital question. It would have been easy
to learn that Johnson was going away on that boat, but in
arranging details that thought never occurred to us.

410 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

On the boat was the very place of all others to get John-
son. Our party of five could have taken passage on the
boat, some for one place, some for another. At an auspi-
cious moment we could have captured all on board in detail,
and had the boat landed at a convenient place in the woods,
after securing all the firearms on board and all that might
have been worn concealed by passengers. We could have
camped in the woods until three of the party went out and
secured five horses by fair means or force, and by riding all
night we would have been at least twenty miles from the
Ohio River in a friendly country.

This was an hour and night of bitter disappointment. The
opportunity had been ours, perhaps, to perform a service
which might have affected the destiny of our country.

CHAPTER XLI

Capture horses of Major Julius Fosses in Louisville — Escape
from the city— Journey to Abingdon, Virginia.

There remained but one thing now to do in Louisville,
and that was to capture horses and proceed on our journey
to Richmond. Just how to get horses was still a perplexing
question. It was agreed, however, that we would go out in
the city separately and locate all headquarters for Federal
officers and depots or warehouses for the storage of govern-
ment supplies. There was one such place opposite Mrs. Lynn's
boarding-house on the corner of First street, fronting on
Main. A number were found near the railroad stations and
on several streets. As a rule there was never more than one
good horse hitched. We passed General Palmer's head-
quarters and found more horses there than elsewhere, but
there were also armed sentinels near and frequently orderlies
accompanied officers and did not dismount but held the
horses. Neither of us had found a satisfactory opening for
horses when we returned at i o'clock for dinner.

The time was spent in our room until 4 o'clock in the
afternoon. It had been determined to go that night and
get Major Fosses's horses out of his stable. Our baggage
was packed now in saddle-bags and everything made ready
for our departure except settling with Mrs. Lynn. We
could not afford to do this because we were not sure of
horses and might want to remain longer.

We left the house at 7 o'clock, going down Main to
Sixth and out by the office of Major Fosses. The front
rooms were lighted and we noticed through the windows
several persons inside. There were also lights in the rear

412 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

or ell rooms. It was a starlight night and pleasant weather.
Indeed, everything seemed propitious provided the inmates
or company should retire before 9 o'clock. For the streets
in this locality were in a manner deserted after that hour
and we would be objects of notice by the squads of soldiers
on patrol duty that might pass at any moment. We were not
especially concerned about this if we could secure the horses
and reach the street without a fight, but we did not want to
get hemmed in the alley and be obliged to run a gauntlet to
escape. After walking around a while we returned to
Fosses's about 9 o'clock. The house was closed and dark
except in the kitchen, where an old negro woman was sitting
by a dim firelight. We passed on to the stable but found the
door locked. It proved harder to open than we had expected,
but just as we had conceived a plan to force the lock a dog
rose up behind the stable and began to growl. The noise
indicated a big, savage dog. We could not afford to let him
come around and bite us or alarm the neighborhood, nor
could we afford to shoot him for the same reason. In either
case we could not get the horses. We hastily retired, noise-
lessly as possible, walking away without attracting attention.
But we abandoned the idea of securing those horses.

The next morning we started out together to visit all the
headquarters and government stores that we had found the
day before. We had been to four or five of these but did
not find two good horses at the same place and we wanted
nothing else. It was unwise to risk a chase on a poor horse.
Martin's new boots began to hurt his feet after we had
walked an hour or more, so he stopped at the familiar
restaurant on Jefferson street to wait, while I hired a horse
and buggy. We then drove by Fosses's. The house was
closed but the stable door was wide open and the horses out.
There did not seem to be any one about the premises. Martin
got out and went to the kitchen, where he found the old
negro woman. Upon inquiry it was learned Major Fosses
was not expected to return before supper time. She said in

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 413

answer to a question that the hostler and orderly would be
back but they did not know anything about the business.

Just for this occasion we wanted to interview Major
Fosses or his orderly to learn whether the Tenth Ohio
Cavalry was with General Thomas in Tennessee, or with
General Sherman in South Carolina. We had relatives in
the regiment that we were going to see, provided it was with
Thomas. Major Fosses being inspector-general of cavalry
on Palmer's staff, we supposed he might know. At all events
there would be no harm for us to inquire.

We proceeded down Broadway, driving about the supply
depots, but without any success. As we returned up Broad-
way we had just passed Sixth street when we observed two
horsemen turn the corner of Fourth street, coming down
Broadway toward us, leading another horse. We readily
recognized the horses, orderly and negro. They passed us
about Fifth street when we were driving leisurely along, and
we did not look back at them or show any concern. As soon as
they turned into Sixth street, we hurried after them, hoping
to reach the stable before the saddles were taken off. As
we reached the front, Martin jumped out and walked delib-
erately back to the stable without waiting for me. I hitched
our horse to a small sycamore tree that stood in a row on
the outer edge of the pavement. I found Martin and the
orderly talking outside the stable several feet from the door.
I asked Martin if he could find out anything about the Tenth
Ohio. He said he could not. The orderly appeared pleasant
and friendly. Martin asked him which horse he rode, at
the same time moving toward the stable. We all passed in,
talking about horses. We asked several questions about the
horses, meanwhile getting between the orderly and the door.
The hostler had the saddles off and hung up and was now
in a stall putting a blanket on the black horse. Martin gave
me a nod of ready and drew his pistol. I drew mine. He
told the orderly we were Southern officers and wanted two of
his horses but did not want to hurt him unless it was nee-

414 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

essary. I had glanced at the negro boy and he was crouched
in a comer. But I kept my eyes on the orderly. A scornful
smile passed over his face and he blushed. I thought he
considered our performance a joke. But when Martin told
him we had no time to lose and demanded a surrender, a
vicious look came over the orderly's face. He squared him-
self and declared we could not take the horses. I told the
negro to put a saddle on the sorrel horse quick and he
jumped to comply. I then turned my pistol on the orderly
and Martin pointed his at his face. The orderly weakened
here and said he had no arms. He was dead game and
would have fought us both had there been any chance for
him to resist. Martin told the negro to saddle the black
horse and make no mistake about anything or he would be
shot. I finished the equipment of the sorrel.

Martin led his horse out and mounted. He then suggested
that we ought to send our regards to Major Fosses. I had
the negro boy hold my reins and, taking out a memorandum
book, wrote:

Compliments of

Col. Robert M. Martin,

Lieut. John W. Headley,
Feby. 28, 1864. loth Kentucky Cavalry, C. S. A.

I tore out the leaf and handed it to the orderly, who was
smiling as if he felt plagued. "You can tell the Major,"
I added, "if he ever comes South and needs horses he can
have ours on the same terms." I led my horse out and locked
the stable door, putting the key in my pocket.

As we rode out on the street a white woman was pump-
ing water about forty feet away, but fortunately there were
not many people on the street. Some were soldiers, but
unarmed. However, we did not attract any attention and
halted for a few moments. Martin suggested that we might
go and get our baggage now instead of coming back for it.
I assented and we rode along leisurely to Walnut street, and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 415

then at a brisker gait up Walnut to Third, along Third to
the post-office on the corner of Green, up Green to Brook, and
then within a few steps of Main street. Martin proposed to
stay with the horses on Brook if I would go after our bag-
gage. When I went to our room it was 10.30 o'clock, but an
old negro woman was putting it in order. I had no time to
wait. I told her that I thought I had a chill and must have
a fire. I proposed to give her a quarter to make one quickly,
and handed her a quarter in fractional currency. She hurried
out after the fuel while I gathered the saddle-bags and over-
coats. I passed down lightly to the front door unobserved by
any one in the house. Just as I stepped out a company of
infantry arrived and formed in line on the pavement in front
of the house, but I went on to the gate and halted a moment.
I felt frightened but soon saw they were to draw supplies
from the commissary store across the street. They broke
ranks and nearly monopolized the pavement. I looked up
the street and saw Martin peeping around the corner. I
made my way through the soldiers with some fears that Mrs.
Lynn might see me going away with the baggage and call
on the soldiers to stop me until I settled her bill, but I had
no further trouble. Our baggage was securely fastened, then
we rode out Brook street a couple of squares and then
meandered eastward in order that pursuing cavalry would
lose our trail. At the outskirts of the city we were coming
upon a large encampment of infantry on a thinly shaded com-
mon. Their tents were on both sides of the pike. We were
about the middle of the last square riding slowly and talking
about going back to make another circuit in another direc-
tion. At this moment we heard running horses behind, and
looking back, saw that four horsemen had just turned the
second corner in our rear and were coming toward us in
a gallop. We had no chance to turn off on either side. If
we rode back they would reach the first cross street ahead of
us. We realized that we must run through the camp or wait
for our pursuers and fight.

416 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Martin suggested that we ride slowly, and when called on
to halt we would appear indifferent and halt, but turn
around; then dash through the party, firing to kill. We
separated, one of us riding on each side of the center of the
street, with pistols in our laps, so that they could not shoot
at one and hit the other. I was not to look but wait the word
from Martin. He looked back the last time when the horse-
men seemed within ififty feet of us. "It's all right," he said,
"they all have gauntlets on both hands." And so they did,
which showed they were not prepared to shoot. They did
not halt us but galloped on between us. They turned off
to the encampment on the left-hand side. One of the officers
was a brigadier-general, the others were staff officers.

We were near the encampment now and thought it safe
to go through. There were a number of soldiers on the pike
and some were mounted but not armed. We jogged along
for half a mile, perhaps, paying no attention to the soldiers
except to speak, before there was a chance to leave the pike.
We went through a big gate into a horse lot, then out at
another big gate into a field. We then made a bee-line for
the nearest woods without regard to roads or fences, though
it was several miles before we reached a place where we
dared to stop. We entered the woods between two high
hills, and after following a wagon track around the foot of
a hill for perhaps a hundred yards we noticed a Federal
soldier walking slowly toward us at a little distance. He
looked a moment or two and suddenly sat down on a log.
He said he lived in the neighborhood and was at home on
furlough. We told him we were agents for the Government
to buy cattle and had just started out for a two-day trip.
He was greatly relieved, as he had feared we were guerrillas.
After riding a short distance we were out of sight and we
made our way by a circuitous route to the top of the hill,
where we concluded to rest the remainder of the day. Here
we had a glimpse of the city and a view of the valley that
lay between, stretching away to the right and left, and

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 417

could see teams and horsemen on several roads leading out
of the city on both sides of our location. It was not long
before we saw cavalry on two different roads, not a mile from
our retreat, going at unusual speed. On one road there must
have been two hundred in the column. But the one that
interested us most was moving slowly along the pike we
had abandoned and was not more than half a mile distant.
They stopped at two different houses and halted a team and
buggy that were going toward the city. While we thought
they had gotten news of us at the camp on the pike it appeared
they had lost our trail. They moved on out the road to
the country but their road did not come in our direction.
The woods were dense around us and to the south and west.
We did not believe we could be overtaken even if trailed.
We hitched our horses on the side of the hill toward the
city, taking our position on the crest — it being our purpose,
if necessary, to escape along the side of the hill toward the
southwest. However, we were not discovered; but felt
relieved when the sun went down and night came on.

That hill is the Jacob Park Hill now (1905).

I wrote a letter there to Mrs. Lynn, dated "In the woods,
Jefferson County, Ky., March i, 1864," enclosing a ten-
dollar bill to pay the balance due her for board. Special
regards were sent to Major McClurg, with an admonition
that he should not make a practice of sleeping with guerrillas
because he had found in us two harmless companions. I
signed our names officially to the letter.

We left our place at dark and found our way across the
valley by making inquiry at one farm-house, reaching Bob
Bohanan's at 1 1 o'clock. We remained until 9 o'clock next
morning. Bohanan was a good friend and made us com-
fortable in his bachelor home. He went out when the stage-
coach passed and bought the Louisville 'Journal. It gave an
account of our adventure, headed "Guerrillas in the city."
It was stated that we were last seen on the Elizabethtown
road and that forces were in pursuit.

418 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Bohanan went with us to the woods where our new saddles
were concealed. We left the Fosses saddles as a present to
Mr. Bohanan. They did not compare with our new ones
purchased from Stokes & Co.

After getting directions across the hilly country from Mr.
Bohanan, and leaving our letter to Mrs. Lynn for him to
mail in the city, we bade him good-by and started on our
journey to Virginia. The route led through a broken and
generally wooded country and we were making a circuit
around Louisville for five or six hours, traveling an easterly
course. Early in the afternoon we descended into a little
valley near Brooks station on the Louisville & Nashville
Railroad, thirteen miles from the city. A train from the
South crowded with soldiers whistled for the station when
we were within two hundred yards. We halted and waited
for it to pass on, though we grew a little impatient, as it
stood there for at least half an hour. When the way was
clear we proceeded across the track at the station and con-
tinued along the road to the east. We went about lO or 12
miles farther and stopped for the night at a farm-house. It
was raining the next morning but we concluded to travel,
as we were going through an unfrequented section and
wanted to hurry to a safer distance from Louisville. About
4 o'clock in the afternoon we emerged from the poor, hilly
section into an open, fertile country. Our horses were
covered with mud and we were wet from head to foot. We
had been cold for several hours in the steadily drenching
rain and began to look for a suitable stopping place. About
two hundred yards from the hills we reached a good-look-
ing home where we felt sure everything would be comfort-
able, and shouted "Hello !" A youth about 16 years of age
came out. He said his father was not at home but he would
see his mother. She soon appeared in the front door, and
after a little explanation on our part invited us to come in.
The youth took our horses, insisting that we go to the fire.
He brought our saddles without undoing our rolls of
blankets and halters that were strapped on, and put them on

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 419

the back porch of the house, where he said they would be
safe. Davis was the name of the family, and this home was
eight miles south of Taylorsville, where a garrison was
stationed. We soon learned that the old gentleman was a
Union man and was now in Louisville. But all the members
of the family were strong Southern sympathizers. Billy,
the youth who first met us, and his elder sister were open
rebels. There were a number of negroes about the out-
houses, and we were a little restless here, but considering
the weather we were willing to risk the chances; although
the adjacent country to the south and east was said to be
swarming with guerrillas. The Federal cavalry raided in
this section constantly. After sitting up by a comfortable fire
since 4 o'clock, by the time we got supper we were drowsy,
so retired soon after dark.

When we came down-stairs the next morning the old
gentleman met us and introduced himself, calling us by our
names. "Oh, I know you," he said, "and I know your
horses too." Of course we were surprised, but he explained
by saying he was in the office of the Louisville Hotel when
the orderly rushed in, with our note of compliments, and
inquired wildly for Major Fosses. And from, the descrip-
tion of the orderly he said he would have recognized us and
the horses anywhere. He did not impress us as being much
against the South, for he was highly elated over our exploit.
And in fact we were right, as we soon found out, though
he was known and recognized as a Union man by the
authorities. He was the county judge of Spencer County.

A short time after breakfast a neighbor rode up and came
in. He wore a long-tailed, home-made brown-jeans over-
coat, with old-fashioned plain brass buttons. He was a
magistrate. We found him a strong rebel sympathizer. He
proposed to go in our direction and pilot us through the
woods for five miles into the edge of the hills among the
guerrillas. Two of Judge Davis's daughters went along for
a mile or more, and left us to visit a neighbor. Just as we
entered the hilly country we came to a cottage that stood

420 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

on a little farm and not far from our dim wagon road. The
Squire was to stop here to see a wounded guerrilla. We
concluded to stop a few minutes, as I wanted to light my
pipe.

The wounded soldier was lying in front of the fireplace
on a pallet. He could hardly move himself. And no wonder,
as one Minie ball and eight pistol balls had been fired into
his body, legs, arms and face. A company of Federal cavalry
had surprised him in a house in daylight. He was sur-
rounded, but made a dash to escape amid a shower of bul-
lets. Several of the enemy had fallen before his horse was
killed, and he himself went down with a Minie ball through
his leg. He continued to fire as he lay on the ground, but
his pistol was emptied. The enemy then rushed upon him
and shot him with pistols until they thought he was surely
dead, when he was left lying in the road. One ball had
entered his cheek and made its exit below the jaw-bone on
the other side. His face was badly swollen and bandaged.
Indeed this was true also of his body and limbs. He opened
his eyes as we took seats and was told that we were friends.
After looking at us a moment he smiled and said, "Bob and
Bud." These were our boyhood nicknames.. The poor
fellow before us was Tom Henry. He was noted now as a
partisan ranger or guerrilla in this section, where the Federal
cavalry seldom ventured for fear of ambuscades. Henry,
though left for dead by the Federals, was alive when found
by friendly neighbors.

Tom Henry is a good farmer and still lives ( 1905) in Crit-
tenden County, Kentucky.

Presently, another friend rode up and came in. He was
introduced as "Captain Berry." This was the famous "One-
armed Berry," who ranked among the foremost of the daring
leaders of partisan warfare at this period in Kentucky. He
was a man of fine form physically and a gentleman in appear-
ance and manners. There was nothing ordinary about him.
His face denoted intelligence, but there was little in the genial
countenance to indicate the daring spirit of the man. He

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 421

appeared to be about twenty-five years old. One arm had
been taken off just below the elbow, but with the other he
was an expert marksman and could manage his horse at the
same time in a fight. "Sue Munday" (Jerome Clark),
another noted chieftain, was in the neighborhood but we did
not meet him. He was a romantic character, apart from his
dare-devil exploits, for the reason that he wore long hair
like a woman and resembled one in face and form. The
celebrated "Quantrell," of Missouri, was also within a few
miles and an active leader among the partisan bands that
were operating at this period in this section of Kentucky.
Captain Berry conducted us by a pathway through the woods
for about two miles to a distillery and, getting directions
from him as to our route, we proceeded on our journey and
spent the night about ten miles southeast of Lawrenceburg.
In this neighborhood we heard of scouting parties of Federal
cavalry in all directions. It was deemed best to conceal our-
selves in the woods and travel at night. As we did not like
our location we continued traveling and reached the house of
a friend before morning, to whom we had been directed,
on the bank of the Kentucky River. There was quite a
stretch of hills here along the river, with dense undergrowth
in the woods, and we remained concealed for several days.
We learned that Federal cavalry were active in all the country
around and that they were scouting day and night. It
occurred to us that the military authorities in Louisville had
learned that we were the same men who were wanted in New
York City and that an unusual effort was being made to
capture us before we could escape from the State. We con-
sequently decided to camp out until we could reach the
mountains.

We traveled neighborhood roads altogether, but stopped
at a cross-roads place called Providence, ten miles south
of Lexington. There was a store here and several citizens
stood around the door. As we rode up and halted a moment
one of them remarked, "These look like the boys now." One
gentleman had a newspaper and had just read to the crowd

422 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

our letter to Mrs. Lynn, from the Louisville Journal. All
were friends. I bought a pocket-knife and some cigars at
the store. We watched like hawks now, for this was near
the headquarters of Burbridge.

We stopped in the afternoon with a friend, to whose
house we had been sent, but camped in the woods. This
was midway between Lexington and Winchester. We
reached the home of Mrs. Hamilton, a widow, four miles
from Mt. Sterling, for supper, but there were so many
darkies here we did not eat in the house. It was still showery
but we proceeded, after getting directions, to a friend near
Slate Creek on the pike running from Mt. Sterling to
Owingsville. At this house we were directed for about ten
miles, but as it was cloudy and very dark we did not go far.
We decided to camp until sun-up, and then proceed, so as to
reach the mountains early in the day, where we would feel
safe. We accordingly went into a woods pasture over a
ridge to the rear about three hundred yards from the pike,
and made our bed under a large tree.

It was not yet sun-up when we awoke and heard a con-
siderable noise in the direction of the turnpike. There were
horses neighing and men's voices. In a minute we were up
and mounted our horses, which were hitched to swinging
limbs, with the saddles on. We rode near enough to the
top of the ridge to look over, when we discovered a com-
mand of Federal cavalry leaving the pasture — ^at a gap where
we came in. It appeared that the troops had, like ourselves,
stopped in on account of darkness. They rode toward Mt.
Sterling, which we appreciated, as it indicated they had
been on a scout on the mountain road the day before and
had returned too late to reach Mt. Sterling. It must have
been later than lo o'clock when they entered the pasture the
night before. After they' were out of sight we came out
on the pike at the gap they had left down and continued on
our journey. The distance was yet over a hundred miles to
Pound Gap in the mountain that divides Virginia and
Kentucky.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 423

We soon entered Bath County, where we spent the day in
the woods but among friends, and at night were entertained
at the home of Mrs. John FickHn, whose husband was in the
Confederate Army. She insisted that we should take a
good night's rest. If I remember rightly she had some friend
remain on watch all night to see that we were not surprised.
We took the risk and occupied a bed. In this neighborhood
we were joined by Lieut. J. M. Brother and Joseph Bell.
Brother was at home, in Bath County, on furlough from
John C. Breckinridge. Bell's home was at Harrodsburg,
Kentucky. He belonged to Morgan's command. At the
beginning of the war Brother had served in Hampton's
(South Carolina) Legion, then was a lieutenant in the Fifth
Kentucky Infantry for one year, when he was appointed
adjutant of the Second Kentucky Battalion of cavalry.
Brother had made a number of journeys through the moun-
tains and we were glad to follow his lead to Virginia.

We traveled the "Rebel trail," as he called the route, by
Tom Greenwade's, Boone Howard's, and "Long Bill"
Lykens'. We crossed the State road, twelve miles above
Hazel Green, and going up Johnson's Creek and passing
over mountains, from creek to creek, we went along Quick-
Sand, Buckhorn and Troublesome; thence along the head-
waters of Kentucky River to Pound Gap and on to Abingdon,
Virginia.

There was but one place where we experienced a fright.
The Union "bushwhackers" threatened us on Troublesome
Creek, and we laid out on the mountainside one night, keep-
ing one man up on guard.

At Abingdon we learned that General Basil W. Duke's
command was encamped near the town. This was the rem-
nant of Morgan's old division that was out of prison, and
General Duke had been in command since Morgan's death.

We hurried out to the encampment, two miles distant, to
meet our old friends. Some of the men while on an expedi-
tion up in West Virginia had brought back a Cincinnati
paper which contained an account of our adventure in Louis-

424 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

ville. The men turned out to greet us and see Major Fosses's
horses. Colonel Martin especially received an ovation. He
v^^as serenaded and compelled to make a speech.

We found that General Duke's headquarters were in town
and we rode back early at night to call on him and get passes
to Richmond so that we could proceed without delay.

General Duke was accompanied by his wife, who was a
sister of General Morgan, and we spent an hour delightfully
in their company. Captain Charlton Morgan, the youngest
brother of Mrs. Duke, was on the staff. I had never met
General Duke before, as he was in prison when I became
attached to the command. He had borne, from the begin-
ning, a reputation only second to Morgan, and was now the
idol of the old division. General Duke was a spare-made,
wiry man of medium height and appeared to be about 27
years old. He would be recognized by a stranger in a
moment as a man of force and dashing courage. It was
now claimed that he had no equal as a commander in the
cavalry service, barring Forrest.

There was a new inspiration in the companionship of our
old friends and in the atmosphere of sacred old Virginia.

CHAPTER XLII

Journey to Richmond — Richmond and Petersburg evacuated —
Government flees to the South — Retreat of Lee and sur-
render at Appomattox — Detained at Lynchburg — Escape to
the West and South — Terms of peace.

The special mission on which we were going to Richmond
was now the matter of chief concern to us. It was found
that the railroad from Abingdon had been damaged by the
expeditions of the enemy, under General Averill from the
Federal army of the Shenandoah Valley, and we were obliged
to proceed on horseback.

We learned at Salem that we could get a train at Roanoke
station, for Burkesville Junction. After a day's rest a few
miles in the country near the base of the Blue Ridge Moun-
tains, we left our horses and baggage with a farmer until our
return.

This was the last day of March. We boarded the train,
but only got as far as Lynchburg that day on account of
delays. It was a mixed train, handling passengers and
freight, and everything was irregular and out of order.
The next day we left Lynchburg and arrived at Burkesville
Junction in the afternoon, where we waited some time for
the train from Danville going to Richmond. At last we
got this train and were on the way to Richmond, but, at
Coalfield station, nine miles from Richmond, we were halted
again about 9 o'clock p. m. After waiting here for hours,
the passengers, nearly all soldiers, began to get hungry, but
at this small station there was nothing to eat. All got out
and walked about to take exercise, thinking every moment
we would make another start, but the hours dragged on and
we were still side-tracked at midnight.

426 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

About one o'clock in the morning a train was heard coming
from the direction of Richmond. It soon whistled and
slowed up at the station. It was a long passenger train and
we soon learned that President Davis, his Cabinet, and the
other civil officers of the Confederate Government were on
board, and that General Lee, having evacuated Petersburg
and Richmond, was now retreating. Colonel Martin went
into the car containing the Cabinet and found Mr. Benjamin,
Secretary of State. He said General John C. Breckinridge,
who was now Secretary of War, was in North Carolina with
General Joseph E. Johnston. He told Martin that we could
report at Danville. Everything was now in confusion and
it was an hour of consternation. Still, no one seemed to
lose courage or hope.

After the Government train had passed, ours was made
ready, and left at 2.30 for Burkesville. It arrived there
before day but was detained for some time. Finally a train
came in from Petersburg, made up of freight cars chiefly,
and loaded -with soldiers. Martin learned that it would go on
to Lynchburg and we got aboard. At Farmville it was de-
tained for two hours, where we managed with greenbacks
to get a good dinner, which was the first food we had tasted
for twenty-four hours. We arrived at Lynchburg before
night and found we could go no farther.

A large force of Federals, under Generals Hunter and
Averill, had raided the country west of Lynchburg, destroy-
ing the bridges and trestles as far as Salem. Lynchburg
itself had been threatened. The city, however, had been
fortified and a formidable garrison had afforded protection.

General L. L. Lomax was the commander at Lynchburg.
We went to his headquarters and explained our presence in
the city, and as we must be detained, volunteered to serve
wherever he might order, until we could get to our horses.
He assigned Colonel Martin to the command of a regiment
on the line of the entrenchments on the north side. I was
placed in command of a company of thirty-two men that was
encamped on picket duty a mile beyond the entrenched line.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 427

This was on Tuesday, the fourth day of April. But Httle
of interest occurred for several days, though there was of
course general excitement every day as news was received of
the fighting and continued retreat of Lee's army. After
it had passed Burkesville Junction we knew it was coming
to Lynchburg. And when it reached Farmville we could
hear the artillery. There Lee veered to the right. On Sun-
day morning the artillery opened up early, in the northeast,
but continued only a few hours. We then expected Lee
and his army to reach Lynchburg before night.

About two o'clock in the afternoon I received an order
to report at the headquarters of General Lomax. I left my
company in charge of the orderly-sergeant and hastened to
town. At headquarters I was released from duty and told
that General Lee had surrendered his army at Appomattox
C. H., eighteen miles distant from Lynchburg. General
Lomax told me that Colonel Martin was at the hotel wait-
ing for me. I found Martin and we determined to reach
our horses in some way. We went down to the railroad
depot to look around. We saw four officers with two negro
men putting a hand-car on the track at some distance from
the station. This gave us an idea, and we reached them
before they started, but they had no room for us. We at
once searched the yards and found another hand-car. I
guarded it while Martin went and hired two negro men to
pull it for us to Liberty. We put it on the track and started
without consulting the owners. It was four o'clock as we
left Lynchburg. About twelve miles from town, on a level
farm, we found a little bridge across a creek was destroyed.
I went to the nearest house and hired a yoke of oxen and
driver to come and pull our hand-car across the ford and
up to the track again. He had done this for the car ahead
of us. About six miles farther we came to a considerable
creek with steep banks and a high trestle. This had been
burned out, but the iron rails were swinging in the air
across the creek, most of the ties still clinging to the rails.
Going back about twenty steps we all pushed in a trot to the

428 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

brink and let the car go. It went down hill and then up just
far enough to reach the level on the other side and was safe.

At Liberty we got supper, then pressed in four negro men
to go with us up the Blue Ridge Mountain. We reached
Tip Top, a hotel on the mountain, at midnight. Here we
succeeded in buying a quart of whisky for the darkies, and
paid them besides in greenbacks. They had pulled us twenty
miles.

It was a little down grade across the mountain and we
managed the car alone, arriving at the brink on the other
side about daylight. The place where we left our horses had
been pillaged by the Federals during our absence, but luckily
a number of Morgan's men who had been paroled from
Northern prisons, but not yet exchanged, were here. Cap-
tain Chapman and a comrade from Uniontown, Kentucky,
were of the number. They took our horses and baggage
up on the Blue Ridge Mountain and saved them. It was a
day or two before we got them back and departed for North
Carolina. Beyond the Blue Ridge, among its terminal
ranges, there were bands of deserters, mostly conscripts
from that section, who were dangerous, and we found it
necessary to travel at night until we had crossed the Dan
River. We proceeded in the direction of Saulsbury and
arrived there in safety. As we entered the town in the after-
noon we observed two gentlemen coming along the pave-
ment slowly. Colonel Martin soon recognized them as Jef-
ferson Davis and Judah P. Benjamin. We halted near the
pavement and Martin spoke. They stopped, and when Mar-
tin introduced himself Mr. Benjamin remembered him and
introduced him to the President. I was then introduced.
Both shook hands with us. Martin apologized for halting
them, but briefly told them that we had just arrived from
Canada. Benjamin asked one or two questions. Mr. Davis
inquired if Colonel Thompson was well. They told us that
General John C. Breckinridge was out at the headquarters of
General Joseph E. Johnston but they were expecting him
back. They then moved on. I had never seen either Mr.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 429

Davis or Mr. Benjamin before and naturally observed them
closely. Mr. Davis met my expectations. His bearing was
dignified but graceful. There was something majestic in his
presence, a sort of benign and lofty simplicity that war at
once inspiring and captivating. Even his voice was interest-
ing. He wore a Prince Albert coat (with a black velvet
collar), trousers and vest of Confederate gray cassimere.
His hat was a full-shape soft fur of pale brown color. He
was full six feet tall but of slender form, and weighed per-
haps less than 150 pounds. Mr. Benjamin was in every way
different in appearance. Of stout, stocky build, about five
feet ten inches in height, and a strong, bright face in which
there was varied expression and busy eyes. He glanced
about and talked in a pleasant, business-like manner. His
hair and eyes were black and he wore black clothes, including
his soft tall hat.

We stayed in Saulsbury until the next morning, when we
went on to Charlotte, it being understood now that John-
ston's army was to be surrendered, and perhaps all of the
armies of the South would be included upon general terms
of peace. We learned that General Breckinridge was assist-
ing General Johnston in negotiating with General Sherman
for this result.

There was a lull in everything connected with the Con-
federacy at this time and every one wondered what would
happen next. The town was crowded with stragglers that
did not know what to do or where to go.

In a few days President Davis and his Cabinet arrived.
Here he received a despatch from Breckinridge announcing
the sensation of the war, that came like a thunderbolt.
President Abraham Lincoln had been killed in Washington
City by John Wilkes Booth, a Northern sympathizer with
the South. This news kept all busy for the time being and
served to intensify a brief season of suspense.

A few days later President Davis received a message from
General Breckinridge which announced the surrender of all
the armies by an agreement for peace with General Sherman.

430 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

It was news that caused us all to breathe a sigh of relief.
We realized that our country was no more.
The agreement was as follows :

Memorandum, or basis of agreement, made this i8th day of
April, A. D. 1865, near Durham Station, and in the State of
North Carolina, by and between General Joseph E. Johnston,
commanding the Confederate army, and Major-General W. T.
Sherman, commanding the army of the United States in North
Carolina, both present :

1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain their
status quo, until notice is given by the commanding General
of either one to its opponents, and reasonable time, say forty-
eight hours, allowed.

2. The Confederate armies now in existence to be disbanded
and conducted to the several State capitals, there to deposit their
arms and public property in the State Arsenal, and each officer
and man to execute and file an agreement to cease from acts of
war, and abide the action of both Federal and State authorities.
The number of arms and munitions of war to be reported to
the chief of ordnance at Washington City, subject to future
action of the Congress of the United States, and in the mean
time to be used solely to maintain peace and order within the
borders of the States respectively.

3. The recognition by the Executive of the United States of
the several State governments, on their officers and legislatures
taking the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United
States ; and, where conflicting State governments have resulted
from the war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the
Supreme Court of the United States.

4. The reestablishment of all Federal Courts in the several
States, with powers as defined by the Constitution and laws of
Congress.

5. The people and inhabitants of all States to be guaranteed,
so far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises,
as well as their rights of person and property, as defined by
the Constitution of the United States and of the States
respectively.

6. The Executive authority of the Government of the United
States not to disturb any of the people by reason of the late
war, so long as they live in peace and quiet, abstain from acts
of armed hostility, and obey laws in existence at any place of
their residence.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 431

7. In general terms, war to cease, a general amnesty, so
far as the Executive power of the United States can command,
or on condition of the disbandment of the Confederate armies,
the distribution of arms, and resumption of peaceful pursuits
by officers and men, as hitherto composing said armies. Not
being fully empowered by our respective principals to fulfil
these terms, we individually and officially pledge ourselves to
promptly obtain necessary authority and to carry out the above
programme.

W. T. Sherman, Major-General,
J. E. Johnston, General.

CHAPTER XLIII

Peace cartel repudiated by President Johnson — Surrender of
Johnston and his army — President Davis and Cabinet retire
through South Carohna — Five cavalry brigades guard the
retreat — Last council of war — Proposal of General Breckin-
ridge for conduct of President Davis to Mexico — General
Duke's account of the last conference of President Davis
with the generals of cavalry — Departure of President Davis
from Washington, Georgia.

Colonel Martin and I concluded to go farther south now,
and rest. There were too many people in Charlotte. At
Chester, South Carolina, we arranged for board where we
could groom our horses for the journey to Kentucky.

But our tranquil sojourn here was soon to end. We had '
been in Chester but a few days when others arrived with the
news that Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
had repudiated and annulled the agreement made between
Sherman and Johnston, and that Johnston had surrendered
his own army to Sherman upon the same terms that General
Lee received when he surrendered to Grant.

Those who had lingered at Charlotte now began to pass
through Chester, and presently Mr. Davis and his Cabinet
arrived with five remnants of cavalry brigades, commanded
by General Duke and Colonel Breckinridge from Kentucky,
Generals Dibrell and Vaughan from Tennessee, and Fer-
guson from Mississippi. These were the troops composing
the escort of the Confederate Government from Charlotte
to the end. General Duke had made his way from Chris-
tiansburg, Virginia, after the surrender of Lee, and arrived
at Charlotte safely a few days before.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 433

' We fell into the ranks of General Duke's column among
our old friends, and followed in the cortege to the burial of
all that remained of the martial and civic glory of the South.

The movement was slow from place to place, though we
were passing through a lovely section of South Carolina,
still preserved from the ravages of war, and typical of the
luxury of Southern life in the old homesteads, some of which
had survived here through all the years since the Colonial
period, a century before. But all were now a little impatient
and curious to realize whatever remained of the last cere-
monies, when the clods should beat the last tattoo upon the
coffin lid of the Southern Confederacy.

After passing through Unionville and Laurens C. H.,
a halt was made at Abbeville C. H. Here President Davis
and the members of his Cabinet were the guests of Hon.
Armistead Burt, who had served in the Congress of the
United States before the war.

Early in the afternoon Colonel Martin walked up to the
house for a brief conference with General John C. Breckin-
ridge, now Secretary of War, whom he knew well, and to
learn something of our probable destination. When Breck-
inridge was told of our recent journey from Canada and
learned that we were splendidly mounted he confided to
Martin that he expected Mr. Davis to escape through the
country to the West, perhaps to Mexico, and insisted that we
should go as his guard and companions. We were both at
first disposed to go, simply for the feature of romance that
would attach to the journey and to have the prestige of
guiding our chieftain safely to his place of exile.

But the more we discussed the trip the weaker our inclina-
tion grew. It occurred to us upon calm reflection that ours
had been a long and perilous career and that on such a
journey it might be necessary to risk our lives again to
protect Mr. Davis. It did not appear that we had ever had
anything at stake in the war except our love of the South
and the gratification of a spirit of adventure. And now
that our cause was lost we ought not to assume a perilous

434 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

service when so many others who were at least our equals
were going directly home to Texas, and we believed could
and would conduct Mr. Davis safely to Mexico. However,
we concluded to do a reasonable part, if our suggestions
were agreeable.

It was our idea to have Mr. Davis take one companion of
his own selection and we would escort him as far as Talla-
dega, Alabama. We would set out from Abbeville with him
that night and cross the Savannah River about sunrise, at
the ferry on the route to Athens, Georgia, traveling at night
when we thought it advisable, and reach the hilly country
or the terminal ranges of the Cumberland Mountains west of
Atlanta within three days and nights.

Meanwhile, the troops here should proceed across into
Georgia, and to Washington or Augusta, so as to attract
all pursuing columns in that direction and surrender at the
first opportunity. We would select two Texans from Duke's
brigade, of whom Captain Helm would be one, to follow on
with the brigade and be paroled at the first opportunity,
proceeding then openly by the most direct route to Talladega
County, Alabama, to await our arrival.

It was reasonable to believe that all Federal columns
would hurry southward to apprehend the fleeing officials of
the Government, and we would cross Georgia north of them
and go between Atlanta and Marietta.

We walked up to Mr. Burt's house about 5 o'clock and
called for General Breckinridge. He came out and we
talked outside under a tree. Our plans and suggestions
were promptly approved and General Breckinridge said he
intended to urge them upon Mr. Davis, who was still reluc-
tant to give up. He requested that Colonel Martin should
call again at 10 or 11 o'clock that night. Martin now took
Captain Helm into his confidence. Helm had been a friend
of General Adam R. Johnson in Texas before the war and
was with us on the expedition to western Kentucky in 1863.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 435

He cheerfully agreed to pick a safe companion and make
the journey with Mr. Davis from Alabama.

At 9 o'clock that night every one was more at sea
than ever, until well-authenticated rumors began to spread
that a council of war had been held at which it had been
determined that the troops would be surrendered and the
President and Cabinet would disperse. Colonel Martin went
to see General Breckinridge at lo o'clock and the rumor was
confirmed, except that they would leave soon and all would
continue the retreat to Washington, Georgia. There had
been no opportunity for General Breckinridge to confer with
the President upon the plan for his escape, as his heart had
been set upon a further desperate effort to continue the strug-
gle, to which General Breckinridge was opposed.

At midnight the entire party took its departure from Mr.
Burt's house and proceeded on the road to Savannah River,
a southwesterly course.

The occurrences of this incident will be best told by mak-
ing an extract from the ^'History of Morgan's Cavalry,"
by General Basil W. Duke, who was present at the last
council of war, and describes the scene :

At Abbeville, where we were received with the kindest
hospitality, was held the last Confederate council of war. Mr.
Davis desired to know, from his brigade commanders, the true
spirit of the men. He presided himself. Besides Generals
Breckinridge and Bragg, none others were present than the five
brigade commanders. Mr. Davis was apparently untouched
by any of the demoralization which prevailed — he was affable,
dignified, and looked the very p'^rsonification of high and
undaunted courage. Each officer gave in turn the condition
and feeling of his men, and, when urged to do so, declared his
own views of the situation. In substance, all said the same.
They and their followers despaired of successfully conducting
the war, and doubted the propriety of prolonging it. The honor
of the soldiery was involved in securing Mr. Davis's safe
escape, and their pride induced them to put off submission to the
last moment. They would risk battle in the accomplishment of

436 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

these objects — but would not ask their men to struggle against a
fate which was inevitable, and forfeit all hope of a restoration
to their homes and friends. Mr. Davis declared that he wished
to hear no plan which had for its object only his safety — that
twenty-five hundred brave men were enough to prolong the
war, until the panic had passed away, and they would then be
a nucleus for thousands more. He urged us to accept his
views. We were silent, for we could not agree with him, and
respected him too much to reply. He then said, bitterly, that
he saw all hope was gone — that all the friends of the South
were prepared to consent to her degradation. When he arose
to leave the room he had lost his erect bearing, his face was
pale, and he faltered so much in his step that he was compelled
to lean upon General Breckinridge. It was a sad sight to men
who felt toward him as we did. I will venture to say that
nothing he has subsequently endured equaled the bitterness of
that moment.

Martin and I rode on the next day, and crossing the
Savannah River proceeded to Washington, Georgia. Presi-
dent Davis had stopped in the town on account of rumors
that a force of Federals was approaching. Here he was the
guest of Dr. Robertson.

General Breckinridge had not yet arrived and the column
of cavalry was near at hand. But Colonel Martin learned
that Mr. Davis would leave all behind here at Washington,
except an escort from General Duke's brigade under com-
mand of Captain Given Campbell. Among the number were
Lieutenants Lee Hathaway and Winder Monroe. There
were twenty men in the escort, and General Duke says : "I
knew nearly all of these twenty personally. They were
picked men."

The citizens of Washington and the surrounding country
kept open house practically, and bestowed every necessary
favor of hospitality upon the destitute soldiers.

It was here that President Davis and the last of his Cabi-
net were to separate, and here the worn and tattered veterans,
who could go no farther and were to fight no more, gathered
in the public square among the citizens to await their own

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 437

last hours in the service of the Southern Confederacy. The
population of the town and vicinity was sadly affected by
the strange scenes when it was realized that all of sacrifice
and of sorrow had been in vain.

On the 7th day of May, 1865, it was our privilege to
observe the undaunted Chieftain of his unfortunate country,
accompanied by his private secretaries and a cavalry escort,
as he departed from Washington, Georgia. It was a moment
when many a veteran sighed and gazed prayerfully upon
the little cavalcade until it passed from view. But the
tender-hearted sons and daughters of Georgia, the young and
the old, stood about in groups and spoke in whispers and
some wiped away tears. There was for a moment the still-
ness of a benediction and there was a look of despair on
every face as if suddenly had been severed the cord that
bound them to the distant past of happiness and hope. But
never a murmur of lost respect or of blame for the van-
quished President fell from the lips of the citizen or soldier.
Even the mothers of buried boys and the widows whose
husbands were among the slain — all in far-away unknown
graves — did not chide or weep alone for their own. This
disconsolate hour was bitter in sorrow, in desolation and in
terror, and the spirits of all were transfixed upon the cause
of the common woe. There was no contemplation now
save over the past, present, and future wreck and ruin of
homes and people.

CHAPTER XLIV

President Davis made prisoner — Parole of Confederates at
Washington, Georgia — President Johnson's Amnesty Proc-
lamation— Martin and Headley in excepted class — Arrest
of Headley, his escape, and subsequent pardon by the
President — Troubles in Middle Tennessee — Arrest of Martin
— ^He is put in irons and in prison at Fort Lafayette.

The cavalry brigades which had been left at Abbeville,
South Carolina, followed on, and faithful efforts, under the
direction of General John C. Breckinridge, were made to
the bitter end for the safe escape of President Davis.

The next day after the departure of Mr. Davis from
Washington, it was learned that the Federals had occupied
Augusta and would send officials to Washington to parole
the troops of all commands. We now enjoyed a period of
rest as the guests of two brothers, John and Henry Wynn,
eight miles from Washington. The paroling officer from
Augusta had arrived at Washington within a few days after
our location in the Wynn neighborhood.

The home of Lieutenant Woodson, of Colonel Martin's
staff on Morgan's last raid, was at Independence, Missouri.
His father, Hon. Silas Woodson, was a member of the United
States Congress from Missouri at the beginning of the war.
Young Woodson had journeyed from the borders of Kansas
to enlist in John H. Morgan's famous command, and had not
heard from home for more than three years. He and Colonel
Martin went into town and Woodson was paroled. Martin
was with him and obtained a half dozen blanks, signed by
the paroling officer, which he brought out with him, and
after seeing Woodson's parole I filled out the blanks for all
our party.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 439

We now heard of the capture of President Davis.

Colonel Martin sold his Fosses horse to Mr. Henry Wynn
for $ I GO in gold. Woodson and Andrews sold their horses
also, and the party of three, taking the cars at Washington,
went by railroad to Talladega County, Alabama. The rest
of us concluded to ride through the country and agreed to
meet them in Alabama. We did not encounter any of the
enemy on our journey and there was none in Atlanta, and it
was said that none was nearer now than Chattanooga, on the
north, and Macon, on the south.

In Atlanta we saw the Amnesty Proclamation of President
Johnson and noted the exceptions, to-wit :

Eleventh, all persons who have been engaged in the destruc-
tion of the commerce of the United States upon the high seas,
and all persons who have made raids into the United States
from Canada, or been engaged in destroying the commerce of
the United States upon the lakes and rivers that separate the
British Provinces from the United States ;

;{: ;(: ;|c H: ^l: ^ :ic

Provided, that special application may be made to the Presi-
dent for pardon by any person belonging to the excepted classes ;
and such clemency will be liberally extended as may be con-
sistent with the facts of the case and the peace and dignity
of the United States.

H: H: >!: H: ^ ^ ^

We found Martin, Woodson, and Andrews at Dr. Wm.
Welch's home, "Magnolia Hill," near Alpine, Alabama.
Even at this gloomy period this neighborhood, having
escaped the ravages of the war, was happy to extend its
unbounded hospitality to its own and all other returning
soldiers.

In view of the embarrassment which surrounded the situa-
tion of Martin and myself, we agreed that he would proceed
by New Orleans and thence by sea to Toronto, Canada, while
I would go through to Kentucky and get a better under-
standing of the environments in our case as raiders from
Canada.

440 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

At Shelbyville, Tennessee, I met with a cordial reception
at the home of Dr. Blakemore. The proprietor of a livery-
stable where I put my horse was attracted by the appearance
of the animal. After I had told the history of the horse he
finally offered me $130 in gold for him, which I accepted.

I proceeded by railroad to Nashville. Here I spent a
couple of days fitting myself up anew.

In the afternoon I left Nashville on a steamer and got off
at Clarksville. The next morning I started by stage-coach
for Hopkinsville. Captain William Elliott and his sister
were also passengers in the coach for a part of the journey.
From Hopkinsville I proceeded by stage to Madisonville and
here I was practically at home. I found that a bitter feeling
between neighbors still existed, but many Union men of my
old acquaintance gave me a hearty welcome.

The happiness of a soldier's return was mine at last and
the longings of those who loved me best were over. I had
enjoyed the scenes and companionship of the surrounding
haunts of my boyhood for some weeks, when Robert House,
a youth of eighteen, arrived at Nebo with a message from
Henderson for me. Gen. Adam R. Johnson was now at
Henderson, his old home, and a friend from Louisville had
advised him that orders had been received there to arrest
Martin and me and bring us to New York. General Johnson
had sent me the message by young House.

Mr. Charles S. Green, at Nebo, now invited me to go with
him to his brother's house in Henderson County, which I
did. I found a home there with Mr. Bernard P. Green. I
remained a month. While at this home, near Corydpn, I
wrote an application to the President of the United States
for a pardon. I frankly stated in the application that I had
been one of the raiders from Canada and had endeavored to
serve the cause of the South in every capacity. But that
none of the expeditions from Canada had been a success.

I wrote a letter to my old friend John Barbee, at Louisville,
and enclosed the application to the President. I suggested

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 441

to Mr. Barbee that perhaps his influence would secure the
intercession of George D. Prentice. In due time Mr. Barbee
responded from his home at Pewee Valley, that he found
Mr. Prentice willing to aid me, and that Prentice had mailed
my application with his own personal letter to William H.
Seward, Secretary of State.

I returned home in August, but visited around in the
neighborhood so as to avoid arrest until I could hear from
Washington City on the subject of a pardon.

One morning I went up to Nebo and in a little while rode
down to Providence. I then went on home. I found quite
a crowd of neighbors here in the orchard, who were engaged
with a steam thrasher in thrashing my father's crop of wheat.
Of this crowd some were Union men and some were South-
ern sympathizers, but all were my friends. The weather was
hot and I strolled out to the orchard in my shirt-sleeves.
1 had hardly finished a greeting to all, and some of them I
had not seen since the war began, when Phil, my darky
friend, told me that the Yankees were up at Mr. Sandy
Johnson's. I got a glimpse of them, the distance being only
three hundred yards, and started at full speed around the
dwelling to a cornfield of some thirty acres bounded on the
outside by woods. I soon reached the woods, having followed
a cross-fence on the grass so as to leave no tracks. I climbed
a medium-sized sugar tree, with dense foliage. From a
position near its top I had a view of our house, the orchard,
and Mr. Johnson's house. I saw the Federals ride along the
public road in front of the house and pass out of sight on the
road to Burnett's bridge. I then went around to the left to
Johnson's house and made inquiries. The Federals had
asked for water and the distance to some place across Clear
Creek. I then walked along the lane to my father's place,
climbing over his fence. I had not gone more than fifty
yards inside before I was halted. There were four of the
Federals. They had made a circuit in the woods and returned
to a point from which they could see me if I came in sight.

442 CONFEDERATE OPERAtlONS

They dismounted, and approaching me said I was a prisoner.
I agreed to it cheerfully. I knew them all — Harrison Gill,
George Peyton, William Peyton, and Daniel Matthews.
They shook hands and seemed glad to see me. I invited them
cordially to walk on to the orchard with me, saying I would
be ready to go with them in a few minutes. They were
kindly greeted by all present and it was getting to be a
pleasant occasion. At this time I observed my uncle, Captain
Headley, coming to the dwelling from the barnyard. He
had survived the war and lived four miles from our home.
He came on through the yard to the orchard. The soldiers
greeted him kindly, but I could see that he did not enjoy the
situation. William Peyton was the pilot of the Federal com-
pany that captured my uncle at Dixon, in 1863, and wanted
to shoot him after he became a prisoner. Still, Peyton was
a jovial sort of man and felt generous now since it appeared
that he was to march me away a captive to Madisonville.
He told me that I was arrested on orders from Bowling
Green. These Federal soldiers all lived near Rose Creek,
only two miles from Nebo, and I had known them well before
the war.

I then, in a familiar way, called Harrison Gill to come
with me as a guard to the house to get my clothes, and we
would start. He assented and the others remained with the
crowd. I explained to my distressed mother, in Gill's pres-
ence, that I thought I would only have to go to Madisonville
and would return within a day or two. She set to work
packing my garments, etc., in a pair of saddle-bags in her
bed-room.

The house had two rooms in front with a large hall be-
tween. A stairway ran up in the hall and my room was
up-stairs. One of the lower rooms was my mother's. I
told Gill to stand in the hall while I went up for my baggage.
When I reached my room and got my pistol my first impulse
was to go down and get the drop on Gill and disarm him.
But I thought it would end in a general fight, which I pre-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 443

ferred to avoid in the presence of my mother and the chil-
dren, if I could escape otherwise. I concluded to hide mjr
pistol and try another plan. I went down in a jolly mood,
passed Gill in the hall, and stepped into my mother's room,
giving her some collars, etc., to put in my baggage. Gill
was standing at the hall door and I asked him what kind of
smoking-tobacco he had. I didn't fancy his chewing twist
and went to the mantel and began to fill my pipe. I was so
friendly with Gill that he began to look as if he was sorry to
take me. He began to walk slowly back and forth from
the front to the rear door of the hall. Mrs. Gore, a neighbor,
was sitting in the dining-room, in the ell part of the house,
and I called to her to please have a coal of fire sent me from
the kitchen to light my pipe.

While I was waiting I observed that the sash was hoisted
in a window near the fireplace and a solid curtain hung down
over it full length. Just as Gill passed the hall door going
to the rear I stepped to the window, lifted the curtain, put
one foot out and went through, letting the curtain drop
behind me. I sprang over the yard fence into the barnyard,
and screened by a rail fence for some eighty yards it was
only a minute or two until I was in the cornfield. I heard
no noise behind and stopped behind the fence to look back.
I heard Gill shouting to his comrades on the other side of the
house. I now followed the cross- fence on the grass as I had
done in the forenoon. I climbed the same sugar tree and
had a plain view of the scene in the orchard. I observed the
soldiers going in and around the house, but it appeared they
had not discovered my trail. I got down and proceeded
through the woods across Wier's Creek flats toward Provi-
dence and safely reached the house of my friend Daniel
Head, Jr.

I decided to go to Tennessee. I traveled the old trail at
night to the home of Mr. Ellis Suttle near Murfreesboro.
Before my departure, Miss Mary Overall arrived, en route
to Triune, her home, from a visit to relatives on the other

444 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

side of Murfreesboro. She related to me many stories of
the conduct of the Federals about Triune and in this section.
One of General Joel A. Battle's daughters, Miss Fannie, on
account of aid and hospitality to Confederates, had been
arrested and after an imprisonment at Nashville had been
forwarded under guard by way of Washington City to
Grant's army in Virginia and then banished through the lines
of the Confederates to Richmond.

Mrs. Cherry, the widow near whose home I had camped
when General Morgan sent me to the vicinity of Nashville in
the spring of 1864, had also been in trouble the past winter.
Her son. Buck Cherry, who was a Confederate and had
operated with Dee Jobe, Frank Battle, and others against
the Federals, was at home one winter night when the Federal
cavalry surrounded the house at midnight. By a rush he
escaped. The Federals then set fire to the house and burned
it to the ground with all else of any value. Mrs. Cherry was
put on a horse and carried off, reaching Franklin the next
morning, where she was put in prison. She was afterwards
sent to Nashville and imprisoned in a room at the peniten-
tiary. It was a bitter cold night but the buildings made a
good fire for Mrs. Cherry's five children, who huddled
around it until some of the neighbors ventured to the scene
and made provision for their comfort.

Some weeks afterward the trouble began to spread in that
locality. It happened that Mr. Trammell, a Confederate
soldier going south, found himself among the enemy's cav-
alry near Wartrace and was killed. General Milroy, in read-
ing the letters he carried, came upon one from Miss Overall
signed "Mollie." Mrs. Dollie Battle, the young widow of
General Battle's son who had been killed at Shiloh, and Miss
Sallie Battle immediately rode on horseback to Wartrace,
a distance of forty-five miles, to endeavor to recover the body
of Trammell and have him decently buried. General Milroy
at once accused them of writing the letter signed ''Mollie,"
and of sending the horse, Selam, to Van Houton. They

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 445

were promptly arrested and imprisoned in a room of the
residence. Day after day they were brought out to Milroy's
headquarters and confronted with the accusation, but they
persistently denied the charge, and persistently refused to tell
that Miss Overall was the authoress. Mrs. Battle was a
native of Chillicothe, Ohio, and three of her brothers were
in the Federal Army. But she had become intensely South-
ern and had refused to meet a brother while in prison at
Nashville.

It happened that Lieutenant Sheets, of Chillicothe, was
stationed at Murfreesboro. He had been a friend of Mrs.
Battle before her marriage, just prior to the war. The im-
prisonment of the ladies became notorious, and Lieutenant
Sheets heard if it. Through his superior officers he managed
to have the prisoners sent to Nashville. Miss Overall had
heard of the trouble and wrote General Rousseau, at Nash-
ville, the facts. Rousseau thought the matter should be
dropped, but forwarded the papers to General Thomas at
Chattanooga. General Thomas ordered the arrest of Miss
Overall. A detachment of cavalry was then sent to Triune
to bring her to Nashville. She was accompanied by her
sister, Sophia, who proposed to share the prison fate of her
sister.

Captain Goodwin, the provost-marshal, who had not been
courteous before, now told them that Miss Overall would
occupy the room with the Battle girls. This was satisfactory
and she was sent in an ambulance under guard to the peni-
tentiary. It turned out, however, that Captain Goodwin
sent along a note to Colonel Barrett, who commanded at the
penitentiary, instructing him to put Miss Overall in the room
with Mrs. Cherry and not allow her to see the Battles.

The next day Mrs. Cherry was taken to headquarters
for trial and was set at liberty. This left Miss Overall alone,
but Colonel Barrett told her then that he would stretch his
orders from Captain Goodwin and allow her to come out in
the hall upon her promise not to speak to the Battle girls.

446 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

After Miss Overall had been confined here for about two
weeks, her uncle, Mr. Ned Jordan, a banker of Murfreesboro
and a Union man, came to Nashville and secured her release.

Adjutant-General J. G. Parkhurst of Detroit, Michigan,
went out to the prison in a carriage to bring Miss Overall
to headquarters, but she declined his kindness and rode alone
in the ambulance under guard of the soldiers. She was
required to take the oath of allegiance, however, to which
she had no serious objection now. It was the ist of May,
1865, and the war was over. Mrs. Battle and Miss Battle
were kept in prison for two weeks afterward, when they
were released without any trial.

There were many similar proceedings all over the South.
Still, these faithful people loved their own country and its
defenders. They could not help or suppress the sentiment
for either and suffered in consequence according to the
nature of the Federal commander.

General Rousseau did not favor the policy of persecution,^
and except for his lenient ^disposition the citizens of Nash-
ville and the surrounding country would, at that period, have
been subjected to a much harsher fate. \

The conduct of General E. A. Paine, at Gallatin, had been
merciless toward both sexes, old and young. Before the
war ended he was arraigned for trial by a military court and
found guilty, but was rescued by a pardon from President
Lincoln.

But the most aggravating conduct of the Federals, toward
the miserable people of this and all other sections of the
South, was the employment of the slaves as soldiers and
sending them around, under Northern officers, in their old
neighborhoods to taunt, pillage, and burn out the families
that had raised them. These licensed detachments would
take possession of a house and drive the family out with
pompous airs and then smash and pillage till satisfied, when
the torch would be applied and everything reduced to ashes.
The jolly soldiers would then march away singing "John
Brown's body lies moldering," etc., and other favorite songs.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 447

The darkies were organized in large numbers at Nashville,
and after the retreat of Hood in December were sent all over
the Miirfreesboro country to take and destroy the remnants
that might still be left among the people. Several of these
crowds had been caught that had committed depredations
and were loaded with plunder.

The Federal authorities report an instance, but it will be
observed that they carefully omit the business in which the
detachments were engaged. Lieutenant Fitch, an acting
assistant quartermaster, with some colored infantry, had
business out in the country, fourteen miles southeast of
Murfreesboro, when a party of Forrest's men caught him,
two other white officers, and thirteen colored men. They
seemed to have been detailed to go with him, as he appears to
be in doubt as to the command to which they belonged. It
also appears that some of the same class in another crowd
were caught, who belonged to General Steadman's command,
at Murfreesboro. It will be remembered that General Stead-
man commenced burning farm-houses, barns, etc., in this
country in 1863. But I will let Lieutenant Fitch tell his
story :

Nashville, Tenn., January 3, 1865.
Maj. William Innes,

Assistant Commissioner, Organizing U. S. Colored Troops.

Major : The following report of my capture and subsequent
attempted murder is respectfully submitted for your informa-
tion:

I was captured on the 20th of December, FOURTEEN
MILES IN A SOUTHEASTERLY DIRECTION FROM
MURFREESBORO, in company with two other officers, Lieut.
D. G. Cooke, Twelfth U. S. Colored Infantry, and Capt. Charles
G. Penfield, Forty-fourth U. S. Colored Infantry, by a company
of scouts belonging to Forrest's command, numbering thirty-
six men, commanded by Captain Harvey. As soon as captured
we were robbed of everything of any value, even to clothing.
We were kept under guard for three days with some other
prisoners (private soldiers of General Steadman's division,
who were captured near Murfreesboro) until we reached a
small town called Lewisburg, some eighteen miles south of
Duck River. There the officers were sent under a guard of four

448 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

men to report, as I supposed, to General Forrest's headquarters.
The guard told (me) that was their destination. They took
us along the pike road leading from Lewisburg to Moores-
ville, about four miles, and then left the road and turned to the
right for the purpose, as they said, of stopping at a neighboring
house for the night.

After leaving the road about half a mile, as we were walking
along through a wooded ravine, the man in advance of us
halted, partially turned his horse, and as I came up, drew his
revolver and fired at me without a word. The ball entered my
right ear just above the center, passed through and lodged
in the bone back of the ear. It knocked me senseless for a
few moments. I soon recovered, however, but lay perfectly
quiet, knowing that my only hope lay in leading them to
believe they had killed me. Presently I heard two carbine
shots, and then all was still. After about fifteen minutes I
staggered to my feet and attempted to get away, but found
I could not walk. About that time a colored boy came along
and helped me to a house near by. He told me that the other
two officers were dead, having been shot through the head.
That evening their bodies were brought to the house where I
lay. Next morning they were decently buried on the premises
of Col. John C. Hill, near by.

The shooting occurred on the 22d, and on the 23d, about
midday, one of Forrest's men came to the house where I was
lying and inquired for me ; said that he came to kill me. The
man of the house said that it was aitirely unnecessary, as I
was so severely wounded that I would die anyway, and he
expected I would not live over an hour. He then went away,
saying that if I was not dead by morning I would be killed.
After he left I was moved by the neighbors to another house,
and was moved nearly every night from one house to another
until the 27th, when I was relieved by a party of troops sent
from Columbia and brought within the Federal lines.

The privates were sent off on a road leading to the right of
the one we took; about in the direction of Columbia, I should
judge. I cannot but think they were killed, as about that time
our forces occupied Columbia, the rebel army having retreated.
There were twelve privates, belonging, I think, to Cruft's
brigade.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Geo. W. Fitch,
First Lieutenant, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infty., and A.A.Q.M.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 449

I went down to Nashville in October to make some pur-
chases, and stopped at the Commercial Hotel. After taking
a seat in the dining-room, I had just finished giving my
order for dinner, when looking around I observed Colonel
Martin following a waiter to another table.

Martin had gone from New Orleans to Cuba and thence
to Canada by sea, after leaving me at Alpine, Alabama, in
June. He found nothing to do as an exile in Canada and had
passed through the United States to Washington, Georgia.,
and had been sojourning at the country home of Mr. Henry
Wynn for two weeks. He was now en route to his home in
Kentucky.

When I had given Martin a full understanding of the
situation in Kentucky we agreed that we had no prospect for
peace at home. We finally concluded, in view of the sum-
mary hanging of people in difiFerent sections and the pros-
pective execution of Mr. Davis and Mr. Clay, that we would
go up in the Northwest on the border and engage in some
employment under assumed names.

Martin had left Gen. John C. Breckinridge at Toronto,
teaching a class in law, and among his pupils were Captain
Hines, Lieutenants Young and Eastin.

It was agreed that I should go back to Mr. Suttle's for my
horse and ride through to Kentucky, while Martin would
proceed by Bowling Green and thence down Green River on
a boat to Paradise, near his father's home. Martin expected
to get some money at home, as his exchequer was about
exhausted. We agreed to meet at the house of Dr. William
Jenkins, near Slaughtersville in V^ebster County, Kentucky,
on a stated night, and if either should be delayed the other
would wait.

I hurried through to my father's house, arriving after
dark, and felt safe at least for a night. The moment our
greeting was over my mother rushed to her bureau and
back with a large envelope. It contained my pardon from
President Johnson.

450 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Two days afterward Captain Temp. Martin, ex-Union
soldier, arrived from Muhlenburg County to tell me that his
brother got home safely but the house was surrounded that
night and Colonel Bob was carried off a prisoner to Louis-
ville. He had been recognized at Bowling Green and a
detail had followed to make his arrest.

I, being free, was disposed to identify myself with his
friends to assist him in his troubles. Captain Martin re-
turned home and friends were sent to Louisville who might
have influence with the authorities and look after the comfort
of Colonel Martin. But it was found that Colonel Martin
had been put in irons at Louisville; and it was also learned
that he had been arrested on orders from New York.

Gen. Walter C. Whittaker, an ex-Union officer of Louis-
ville, had been engaged as one of the attorneys to defend
Martin.

It was now about the middle of November, 1865.

CHAPTER XLV

Robert M. Martin pardoned — Many sentences remitted — Parole
of C. C. Clay, Jr. — ^Jefferson Davis delivered to United
States Court at Richmond — Released on bail-bond — Ovation
to Mr. Davis in the South — Nolle prosequi entered — Finally
settles in Mississippi to spend his last years — Visit to birth-
place in Kentucky — Subsequent lives of Confederate officers
who served in Canada.

The public sentiment of the North now became aroused
against the further prosecutions of individuals, and Presi-
dent Johnson proceeded gradually to discharge large num-
bers not yet tried, and many noted prisoners who had been
confined at hard labor in penitentiaries. Among the prison-
ers who were in irons or close confinement and awaiting
trial was Colonel Robert M. Martin, at Fort Lafayette. The
President granted him an unconditional pardon, which was
issued in the summer of 1866, after a wretched confinement
of about seven months.

Many orders were issued of this class, to-wit :

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,

Washington, March 10, 1866.
General Court-Martial Orders, No. 71.

In the case of Robert M. Harrover, citizen, sentenced by a
military commission "to be shot to death by musketry, at such
time and place as the Secretary of War may direct, two-thirds
of the commission concurring therein," which sentence was
commuted "to confinement at hard labor in the penitentiary for
ten years," as promulgated in General Court-Martial Orders,
No. 314, War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, October
3, 1864, the sentence is hereby remitted, and he will be paroled,
as recommended by Lieutenant-General Grant, upon taking the
oath of allegiance.

By order of the President of the United States :

E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

452 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Executive Office,
Washington, D. C, February 26, 1866. — 12 m.
Alexander H. Stephens, Crawfordville, Ga. :

Your letter of the 5th instant just received. The parole
heretofore granted you is hereby amended so as to permit you to
visit Washington, D. C, and such other places in the United
States as your business may render necessary, subject to the
conditions imposed in said parole.

Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States.

The trial of prominent citizens of the North who were in
sympathy with the South may be understood from the fol-
lowing cases, to-wit :

Headquarters District of Indiana,

Indianapolis, Ind., May 31, 1865.
General Orders, No. 37.

The execution of General Orders, No 27, dated Headquarters
District of Indiana, Indianapolis, May 9, 1865, having been sus-
pended by the following telegram, dated Washington, May 16,
1865, to-wit:

"Washington, May 16, 1865.
"Brevet Major-General Hovey:

"I have commuted the sentence of death of Horsey to im-
prisonment at hard labor for life. You will suspend the
execution of Milligan and Bowles until Friday, June 2.

"A. Johnson,

"President."

Said order is, in accordance with said telegraphic order, so
modified as to be:

William A. Bowles, citizen of the State of Indiana, will be
hanged by the neck until he be dead, on Friday, the 2d day of
June, 1865, between the hours of 12 o'clock m. and 3 o'clock
p. m., on the parade grounds between Camp Morton and Burn-
side Barracks, near the city of Indianapolis, Ind. Bvt. Brig.-
Gen. Ambrose A. Stevens, commanding Camp Morton and
Burnside Barracks, is charged with the execution of this order,
and will make report thereof to the commanding general.

Lambdin P. Milligan, citizen of the State of Indiana, will be
hanged by the neck until he be dead, on Friday, the 2d day of

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 453

June, 1865, between the hours of 12 o'clock m. and 3 o'clock
p. m., on the parade grounds between Camp Morton and Burn-
side Barracks, near the city of Indianapolis, Ind. Bvt. Brig.-
Gen. Ambrose A. Stevens, commanding Camp Morton and
Burnside Barracks, is charged with the execution of this order,
and will make report thereof to the commanding general.

Stephen Horsey, citizen of the State of Indiana, will be
confined at hard labor during the term of his natural life, and
the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, is designated as the place
of his confinement. He will be sent under guard to said
penitentiary with a copy of this order, together with a copy of
General Orders, No. 27, current series, from these headquarters,
of which this order is a modification. Lieutenant-Colonel
John H. Gardner, Seventeenth Regiment Veteran Reserve
Corps, commanding post, Indianapolis, Ind., will cause the
order in this case to be executed.

By command of Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Alvin P. Hovey:

J. W. Walker,
Major and Assistant Adjutant-General.

Headquarters District of Indiana,

Indianapolis, Ind., June 2, 1865.
General Orders, No. 38.

The sentence of general court martial, as promulgated in
General Orders, No. 27, dated Headquarters District of
Indiana, Indianapolis, May 9, 1865, and the commutation there-
of, as promulgated in General Orders, No. 37, dated Head-
quarters District of Indiana, Indianapolis, Ind., May 31, 1865,
having been further commuted, by telegram, of which the
following is an extract, to-wit :

"Washington, May 30, 1865 — 9.30 p. m.

"Major-General Hovey:

"The President of the United States orders that the sentence

of death, heretofore passed against Horsey, Bowles, and

MilHgan, be commuted to imprisonment of each at hard labor

in the penitentiary during his life. The penitentiary at

Columbus, Ohio, is designated as the place of imprisonment.
* * *

"E. M. Stanton,

"Secretary of War."

Now, therefore, in accordance with said telegram, William
A. Bowles, Lambdin P. Milligan, and Stephen Horsey, citizens
of the State of Indiana, will be confined at hard labor during

454 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

the terms of their and each of their natural hves, at the
penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio. The prisoners will be sent
under guard to said penitentiary with a copy of this order,
together with said General Orders, Nos. 27 and 37, current
series, from these headquarters. Lieut.-Col. John H. Gardner,
Seventeenth Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, commanding
post, Indianapolis, Ind., will cause this sentence to be executed.
By command of Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Alvin P. Hovey:

J. W. Walker,
Major and Assistant Adjutant-General.

(Enclosure.)

Office Ohio Penitentiary,

Columbus, Ohio, June 2, 1865.
Received of Lieut.-Col. John H. Gardner, commanding post,
Indianapolis, Ind., the following named prisoners, with copies
of General Orders, No. 2^, No. 37, and No. 38, to-wit :

William A. Bowles, Lambdin P. Milligan, and Stephen
Horsey (three).

John A. Prentice,

Warden.

A $2.00 case in Maryland is an instance of the proceedings
against citizens for giving "aid and comfort" to Confeder-
ates:

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,

Washington, June i, 1865.
General Court-Martial Orders, No. 260.

I. Before a general court martial which convened at
Washington, D. C, May 2, 1865, pursuant to Special Orders,
No. 196, dated War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,
Washington, May i, 1865, ^^^ of which Maj.-Gen. J. G.
Foster, U. S. Volunteers, is president, was arraigned and tried —

Benjamin G. Harris, citizen.

Charge: Violation of the 56th Article of War.

Specification i. In this, that Benjamin G. Harris, a citizen
of Maryland, and a member of the Congress of the United
States, did relieve, with money, to-wit, the sum of $2.00, the
public enemy, to-wit, Sergt. Richard Chapman and Private
William Read, of Company K, Thirty-second Regiment Vir-
ginia Infantry, soldiers of the Army of the so-called Con-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 455

federate States of America, then in rebellion against and at
war with the United States, he, the said Harris, then and there
well knowing said Chapman and Read to be soldiers of said
Army, and treating and offering to relieve them as such, and
at the same time advising and inciting them to continue in said
Army and to make war against the United States, and emphati-
cally declaring his sympathy with the enemy and his opposition
to the Government of the United States in its efforts to suppress
the rebellion. This at or near Leonardtown, Saint Mary's
County, Md., on or about April 26, 1865.

Specification 2. In this, that Benjamin G. Harris, a citizen
of Maryland and a member of the Congress of the United
States, did knowingly harbor and protect the public enemy, to-
wit, Sergt. Richard Chapman and Private William Read, of
Company K, Thirty-second Regiment Virginia Infantry,
soldiers of the Army of the so-called Confederate States of
America, then in rebellion against and at war with the United
States, by procuring them to be lodged and fed in a private
house, and furnishing them with money therefor, he, the said
Harris, then and there well knowing said Chapman and Read
to be soldiers of said Army, and treating them, and offering
and giving them money as such, and at the same time advising
and inciting them to continue in said Army and to make war
against the United States, and emphatically declaring his sym-
pathy with the enemy and his opposition to the Government of
the United States in its efforts to suppress the rebellion. This
at or near Leonardtown, Saint Mary's County, Md., on or
about April 2,6, 1865.

To which charge and specification the accused, Benjamin G.
Harris, citizen, pleaded not guilty.

FINDING.

The court, having maturely considered the evidence adduced,
finds the accused, Benjamin G. Harris, citizen, as follows:

Of the first specification, guilty.

Of the second specification, guilty, except as to the words,
'and fed in a private house.'

Of the charge, guilty.

SENTENCE.

And the court does therefore sentence him, Benjamin G.
Harris, citizen, to be forever disqualified from holding any
office or place of honor, trust, or profit under the United States,
and to be imprisoned for three years in the penitentiary at
Albany, N. Y., or at such other penitentiary as the Secretary
of War may designate.

456 - CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

n. The record in the foregoing case of Benjamin G. Harris,
citizen, was transmitted to the Secretary of War, and by him
submitted to the President of the United States. The following
are the orders of the President in the case :

"Executive Office, May 31, 1865.
*Tn the within case of Benjamin G. Harris the findings and
sentence of the court are hereby approved and confirmed. Ad-
ditional evidence and affidavits, however, bearing upon this
case and favorable to the accused having been presented to and
considered by me since the sentence aforesaid, I deem it proper
to direct that the sentence in the case of said Harris be
remitted and that he be released from imprisonment.

"Andrew Johnson.'^

HI. In accordance with the foregoing order Benjamin G.
Harris, citizen, will be immediately released from imprison-
ment.

By order of the President of the United States :

E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,

Washington, April 10, 1866.
Warden of Ohio State Penitentiary, Columbus, Ohio:

You will please discharge from custody William A. Bowles,
Lambdin P. Milligan, and Stephen Horsey, confined in the
Columbus Penitentiary for life, under orders of the President,
dated May 30, 1865, the President having remitted further
execution of the sentence.

By order of the President of the United States :

E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,

Washington, D. C, April 17, 1866.
General Court-Martial Orders, No. 104.

Frank B. Gurley, citizen, sentenced by a military commission
"to be hanged by the neck until he is dead, at such time and
place as the general commanding may order, two-thirds of the
members of the commission concurring in said sentence,"
as promulgated in General Court-Martial Orders, No. 505,
War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, September 6,

Charles C. Hemming

1902

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 457

1865, Upon the recommendation of Lieutenant- General Grant,
is hereby released from confinement and will be placed upon
his parole as a prisoner of war duly exchanged.

E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

Meanwhile, the Confederates and persons sentenced by
military commissions had been released from the Northern
prisons and a large number of pardons had been granted by
the President as shown by the following correspondence :

Executive Mansion,
Washington, D. C., June 5, 1866.
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.

Sir: The President directs me to request that you will
cause to be prepared, for his information, statements showing —
First. The number of prisoners of war discharged since the
15th day of April, 1865; and

Second. The number of persons who, having been sentenced
by military commission or court martial, have been pardoned
since the 15th day of April, 1865.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,

Wm. G. Moore,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

War Department,
Washington City, June 15, 1866.
The President of the United States.

Mr. President: In compliance with your instructions of
the 5th instant I have the honor to make the following state-
ments :

"The number of prisoners of war discharged since the 15th
day of April, 1865," is 5,501 officers. 53,679 enlisted men, and
1,220 citizens, and "the number of persons who, having been
sentenced by military commission or court martial, have been
pardoned since the 15th day of April, 1865," is 1,953.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Edwin M. Stanton,

Secretary of War.

C. C. Clay, Jr., was released from prison upon the follow-
ing order, to-wit :

458 confederate operations

. War Department^ Adjutant-General^s Office,

Washington, April 17, 1866. — 4.45 p. m.
Maj.-Gen. N. A. Miles, Commanding, etc., Fort Monroe, Va. :

Clement C. Clay, Jr., is hereby released from confinement
and permitted to return to and remain in the State of Alabama
and to visit such other places in the United States as his
personal business may render absolutely necessary upon the
following conditions, viz : That he takes the oath of allegiance
to the United States and gives his parole of honor to conduct
himself as a loyal citizen of the same, and to report himself
in person at any time and place to answer any charges that
may hereafter be preferred against him by the United States.

By order of the President of the United States :

E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

Finally the following writ was issued and served upon the
President and General Burton :

May I, 1867.
The President of the United States to Brig.-Gen. Henry S.

Burton, and to any other person or persons having the custody

of Jefferson Davis, greeting:

We command you that you have the body of Jefferson Davis,
by you imprisoned and detained, as it is said, together with the
cause of such imprisonment and detention, by whatsoever
name the said Jefferson Davis may be called or charged, before
our Circuit Court of the United States for the District of
Virginia at the next term thereof, at Richmond, in the said
district, on the second Monday of May, 1867, at the opening
of the court on that day, to do and receive what shall then
and there be considered concerning the said Jefferson Davis.

Witnesses Salmon P. Chase, our Chief Justice of our
Supreme Court of the United States, this the first day of
May, in the year of one thousand eight hundred and sixty-
seven.

(Seal.) W. H. Barry,

Clerk of the Circuit Court of the
United States for the District

A true copy :
Allowed May i, 1867.

of Virginia.

W. A. Duncan,
Deputy Marshal.

John Underwood,

District Judge.

Captain Thomas H. Hiines
1884

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 459

The following order was issued in response :

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,

Washington, May 8, 1867.
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. H. S. Burton, U. S. Army, or Commanding
Officer, Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Va.
Sir: The President of the United States directs that you
surrender Jefferson Davis, now held in confinement under
military authority at Fort Monroe, to the United States marshal
or his deputies, upon any process which may issue from the
Federal court in the State of Virginia.

You will report the action taken by you under this order,
and forward a copy of any process which may be served upon
you to this office.

By order of the President:

E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

Mr. Davis was delivered into the custody of the United
States Court at Richmond, Virginia, on the 13th day of May,
1867, when he executed a bond for $100,000 for his appear-
ance when wanted and was then released. His bondsmen
were Cornelius Vanderbilt, Gerritt Smith, and Horace
Greeley, all of New York.

The people of Richmond at once received Mr. Davis with
the heartiest ovation and all the kindness that it was possible
to bestow. The gates were wide open, in his own loved
South, to the manly sufferer now returning from his lonely
dungeon home.

In December, 1868, a nolle prosequi was entered in the
case and Jefferson Davis, at 59 years of age, was again at
personal liberty to resume his walk of life among his fellow-
men. The proud spirit of this heroic character had not been
broken by the days and years of torture nor by the taunts and
gibes of merciless foes.

It was a day of joy in which every Southern bosom
swelled with veneration and love that knew no bounds. The
gifted and chivalrous Chieftain survived for many years an
honored and unpretentious example of exemplary citizen-

460 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

ship. His last years were devoted to historic work and a
tranquil home 'life at a beautiful retreat that fronted the
Gulf of Mexico on the shore of Mississippi.

The honorable life of Jefferson Davis at this period served
to inspire the vanquished people of the South with a spirit
of proud submission to a woeful fate which they were power-
less to avert and were doomed to suffer in sack-cloth and
ashes.

Upon all occasions of fellowship and reunion, among the
surviving Confederates in all parts of the South, Jefferson
Davis and his wife and children were honored guests, and
everywhere the wildest enthusiasm greeted their presence.
In his last years he made a visit to his birthplace in Todd
County, Kentucky. There were continued ovations along
the route of his journey from Mississippi, at all the stations,
and wherever the people could get a glimpse of his form they
crowded forward to shake his hand and to shout a welcome
and a "God bless you."

Mr. Davis died at New Orleans in 1889.

The character of the young Confederate officers and
soldiers who operated from Canada may be estimated by
their subsequent lives. I never met many of them after our
separation in Canada. But I can report as to the four who
were specially detailed by the Confederate Government,
namely, Capt. Thomas H. Hines, Lieut. Bennett H. Young,
Lieut.-Col. Robert M. Martin, and Lieut. John W. Headley,
and of several others from Kentucky and some who were my
friends in Toronto.

Capt. Thomas H. Hines became Chief Justice of Ken-
tucky, and represented the capital, Frankfort, in the Con-
stitutional Convention of 1 890-1. He died in 1897, having
ranked among the foremost lawyers of Kentucky.

Lieut. Bennett H. Young for a number of years was
engaged in the railroad business. He was president of the
Monon Route, a railroad from Louisville to Chicago; was
president of the Louisville Southern Railroad Company, and

Colonel Bennett H. Young
1906

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 461

of the Kentucky and Indiana Bridge Company, which were
constructed under his immediate management. He was a
member from Louisville of the Constitutional Convention of
1 890- 1 ; is president of the Louisville Free Public Library,
President of Board at the Confederate Home, and Major-
General commanding the Confederate Veterans of Kentucky.
Lieutenant Young has been promoted, like all the rest since
the war, and is known far and near as Col. Bennett H.
Young. Colonel Young is an attorney at law and enjoys
wide fame as a popular orator. His home is at Louisville,
Kentucky, 1906.

Col. Robert M. Martin, after his release from prison, in
1866, settled at Evansville, Indiana, and engaged in the
tobacco warehouse business. In 1874 he removed to New
York City. For fourteen years he was manager of tobacco
inspections for David Dowes & Co., in their Brooklyn ware-
houses. He located at Louisville, Kentucky, in 1887, en-
gaging in the tobacco brokerage business. In the fall of
1900, his old wound in the lung having produced frequent
hemorrhages, his health gave way. He bade me good-by in
October, 1900, upon his departure for New York, where he
hoped some specialist might prolong his life, but he died on
the 9th day of January, 1901. He was 61 years of age.
The South did not have a better soldier in the ranks of its
armies, and his friends never had a truer friend. In all the
years of our companionship a harsh word never passed
between us. Col. Robert M. Martin is buried in Greenwood
Cemetery, New York City.

John W. Headley lives at Louisville, Kentucky. He has
followed a business career, living since the war, two years
at Nebo, Hopkins County, Kentucky ; sixteen years at Evans-
ville, • Indiana, and twenty years at Louisville, Kentucky.
During the latter period was Secretary of State of Kentucky,
from September i, 1891, to January i, 1896.

I never met Captain Charles H. Cole and have not heard
of him since his release from captivity.

462 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Bennett G. Burley, the companion of John Yates Beall,
returned to Scotland, his native land, after the war was over.
In 1887 Lieut. Bennett H. Young was in England and met
Burley in London. He was at that time a member of the
British Parliament from Glasgow, Scotland.

Capt. John B. Castleman is a member of the firm of
Barbee & Castleman, which has represented the Royal Insur-
ance Company of Liverpool, for all the Southern States since
the war. He was colonel of the Louisville Legion for many
years, and twice Adjutant-General of Kentucky. Colonel
Castleman commanded the Louisville Legion in the Spanish-
American war, serving on the expedition of General Nelson
A. Miles in Porto Rico. On his return from Porto Rico,
Colonel Castleman was commissioned a brigadier-general by
President McKinley. General Castleman has been president
of the Board of Park Commissioners of Louisville since the
creation of the board. Resides at Louisville, 1906.

Lieutenant George B. Eastin served as judge of the Court
of Appeals of Kentucky, from the Louisville district. Dur-
ing a tour of Europe for his health, accompanied by his wife,
he died in Italy. His remains were brought home and are
buried in Cave Hill Cemetery, at Louisville.

Lieutenant James T. Harrington was an attorney of the
Southern Pacific Railroad, and resided at Los Angeles, Cali-
fornia, in 1896.

Lieutenant John T. Ashbrook resided at Cynthiana, Ken-
tucky, 1905. He has followed a business career, principally
insurance, and was for years adjuster for the Underwriters'
Association for Kentucky and Tennessee.

W. Larry McDonald resided after the war in New York
City, where he died some years ago.

Charles C. Hemming, the youngest of our party in
Toronto, only 18 years old, resides at Colorado Springs,
Colorado. He is vice-president of the El Paso National
Bank of that city. A few years ago Hemming erected at his

John B. Castleman
1898

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 463

own personal expense a Confederate monument at Jackson-
ville, Florida, which is regarded as one of the handsomest in
the South.

Dr. Luke P. Blackburn located at Louisville, and was
Governor of Kentucky from 1879 to 1883. He died a few
years afterwards, leaving a name that is honored by Ken-
tuckians.

William W. Cleary, secretary of the Confederate Com-
mission in Canada, located at Covington, Kentucky, after
the President's proclamation of general amnesty, and
attained a notable eminence in the practice of law. He died
in 1897.

Hon. Clement C. Clay, Jr., after his release from Fortress
Monroe, where he was so long incarcerated with Mr. Davis,
returned to his old home at Huntsville, Alabama. This
distinguished United States Senator from Alabama at the
beginning of the war, was endeared to the people of his native
State and of the South, by reason of the prolonged and
ignoble treatment which he had suffered, during the period
when Judge-Advocate-General Joseph Holt was engaged
with a corps of perjured and suborned witnesses for his con-
viction and execution at the hands of a military commission.
Mr. Clay was among the foremost public men of the South.

Colonel Jacob Thompson, a typical Southern gentleman of
the old school, settled at Memphis, Tennessee, after the
war ended. Having served in the Cabinet of President
Buchanan, and in the Congress of the United States from
Mississippi, he now retired from public life. He was
possessed of an ample private fortune, after losing hundreds
of slaves and other property at Oxford, Mississippi. He
spent his last years in comfort, and with the highest esteem
of his fellow-citizens of Mississippi and Tennessee. Colonel
Thompson was one of the closest personal friends of Jeffer-
son Davis, and one of his ablest and most trusted friends
during the war.

CHAPTER XLVI

The truth — The premises — Summary of conduct of the war —
Impartial testimony and views of Federal commanders —
Confederate success in battle — Troops engaged — Cause and
result of the war.

The war between the North and the South was deplorable
in all its consequences. There is no consolation in recalling
its darker phases and yet the truth of history may be due to
the dead, the living and the unborn, as a lesson and an
.example in determining hereafter the price of peace and the
pretexts for war.

It has been my purpose to be faithful and conscientious in
presenting the truth as it appears from experience, observa-
tion, and from the official record of the events and the con-
duct of the war. But in order to anticipate to some extent
the deductions that reveal themselves in the narrative itself,
a summary may be made as collateral evidence.

It should not be a question of who was right or who was
wrong. The question should be, what occurred during the
war and what was the result ?

The premises are that the Southern States seceded from
the Union and formed a new government called the Con-
federate States of America. The United States Government
treated this action as rebellion and the war followed. It
appears that about one-half of the Northern people were in
favor of the war to preserve the Union, including those who
favored the war solely for the abolition of slavery, for hum-
bling the Southern people and for the founding of a nation —
a supreme government. The latter class were in control,
and relying on the military power which was readily oh-

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 465

tained upon the idea of preserving the Union, they established
a military espionage and authority over the North, and in-
augurated a war of conquest against the South. This policy
was announced by the proclamation of General John C. Fre-
mont, in 1 86 1, from his headquarters at St. Louis. Mr.
Lincoln objected to the proclamation upon the ground only
that it would injure their prospects in Kentucky and would
provoke retaliation.

Every Federal commander after that time, it appears, was
either retired or else, in greater or less degree, pursued the
policy marked out by General Fremont, and no evidence is
found in the official records that Mr. Lincoln ever again
objected to any conduct of generals or armies; but on the
contrary it appears that he either authorized or acquiesced in
all that was ever done by either until it was apparent that
the war was over, when he was ready and determined to
extend such terms as would be honorable to the South.

After three years of desolating hostilities and failure to
overcome the South in battle and by warfare on non-com-
batants, General Kilpatrick and Colonel Dahlgren were sent
from Washington with orders to sack and burn Richmond,
and to kill President Davis and his Cabinet. This occurred
March ist, 1864, at which time the Confederate authorities
seem in no way to have attempted to retaliate upon the
Northern people for the policy of devastation and the im-
poverishment of non-combatants in the captured territory
of the Southern States. The inhabitants of Atlanta had
been banished and the city appropriated by General Sherman
before Captain Beall with twenty Confederate soldiers took
possession of two steamers on Lake Erie for use in an effort
to release the Confederate prisoners on Johnson's Island,
for which Beall was hung, he having been captured at an-
other period in the United States. And this was before
twenty Confederates had frightened the inhabitants of St.
Albans, Vermont, besides taking $200,000 from their banks.
Atlanta was burned and General Sherman's order, No. 120,

466 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

had been issued before the attempt was made by Confederate
soldiers to burn New York City, for which Captain Kennedy
was hung, he having been apprehended afterward in passing
through the United States. The Shenandoah Valley of Vir •
ginia had been made a barren waste before General Early
sent Colonel McCausland to burn Chambersburg, Pennsyl-
vania. This appears to be the extent of all the retaliation
that was ever inflicted by Confederates upon the Northern
people, except the burning of steamboats at St. Louis and
Louisville by Confederates under Capt. John B. Castleman.

The unsupported statements, which I have made as to the
conduct of the war, would not be fair, and therefore I have
relied upon the official records and the testimony of the
foremost commanders of the Federal armies.

The Federal and Confederate official reports of all the
important engagements of the war have been published by
the War Department and in many histories of the conflict,
and therefore but little account of battles has been attempted
in this work.

A sufficient reference to the battles, the character of sol-
diers and forces engaged is found in the summaries of the
result by Generals Don Carlos Buell and Ulysses S. Grant,
the commanders at Pittsburg Landing, which are submitted.

General Don Carlos Buell says :

A philosophical study of our civil conflict must recognize that
influences of some sort operated fundamentally for the side
of the Confederacy in every prominent event of the war, and
nowhere with less effect than in the Tennessee and Kentucky
campaign. They were involved in the fact that it required
enormous sacrifices for 24,000,000 of people to defeat the
political scheme of 8,000,000; 2,000,000 of soldiers to subdue
800,000 soldiers; and, descending to details, a naval fleet and
15,000 troops to advance against a weak fort, manned by less
than 100 men, at Fort Henry; 35,000 with naval co-operation
to overcome 12,000 at Donelson; 60,000 to secure a victory
over 40,000 at Pittsburg Landing; 120,000 to enforce the
retreat of 65,000 entrenched, after a month of fighting and
maneuvering, at Corinth; 100,000 repelled by 80,000 in the

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 467

first Peninsular campaign against Richmond; 70,000, with a
powerful naval force to inspire the campaign, which lasted nine
months, against 40,000 at Vicksburg; 90,000 to barely with-
stand the assault of 70,000 at Gettysburg; 115,000 sustaining
a frightful repulse from 60,000 at Fredericksburg; 100,000
attacked and defeated by 50,000 at Chancellorsville ; 85,000
held in check two days by 40,000 at Antietam ; 43,000 retaining
the field uncertainly against 38,000 at Stone River; 70,000
defeated at Chickamaugua, and beleaguered by 70,000 at
Chattanooga; 80,000 merely to break the investing line of
45,000 at Chattanooga ; 100,000 to press back 50,000, increased
at last to 70,000, from Chattanooga to Atlanta, a distance of
120 miles, and then let go — an operation which is com-
memorated at festive reunions by the standing toast of "one
hundred days under fire" ; 50,000 to defeat the investing line
of 30,000 at Nashville; and finally 120,000 to overcome 60,000
with exhaustion after a struggle of a year in Virginia. The
rule which this summary establishes will determine absolutely
the relative merit of the different achievements, but is not to
be ignored in a judgment upon particular events.
*******

The habits of the Southern people facilitated the formation
of cavalry corps which were comparatively efficient even with-
out instruction; and accordingly we see Stuart, and John
Morgan, and Forrest riding with impunity around the Union
armies, and destroying or harassing their communications.
*******

At Cold Harbor, the Northern troops, who had proven their
indomitable qualities by losses nearly equal to the whole force
of their opponents, when ordered to another sacrifice, even
under such a soldier as Hancock, answered the demand as one
man, with a silent and stolid inertia; at Gettysburg, Pickett,
when waiting for the signal which Longstreet dreaded to
repeat, for the hopeless but immortal charge against Cemetery
Hill, saluted and said, as he turned to his ready column: "I
shall move forward, sir ! "

General Grant in his Memoirs says :

After the fall of Petersburg, and when the armies of the
Potomac and the James were in motion to head oflf Lee's
army, the morale of the National troops had greatly improved.
There was no more straggling, no more rear-guards. The men

468 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

who in former times had been falling back, were now, as I have
already stated, striving to get to the front.

5|C 5|C 3jC ^ 5j€ 5j* 5jC

In the North the press was free up to the point of open
treason. The citizen could entertain his views and express
them. Troops were necessary in the Northern States to
prevent prisoners from the Southern army being released by
outside force, armed and set at large to destroy by fire our
Northern cities. * * * ^he copperhead disreputable por-
tion of the press magnified rebel successes, and belittled those
of the Union Army. It was, with a large following, an auxiliary
to the Confederate Army. The North would have been much
stronger with a hundred thousand of these men in the Con-
federate ranks and the rest of their kind thoroughly subdued,
as the Union sentiment was in the South, than we were as
the battle was fought.

As I have said, the whole South was a military camp.

* * * The cause was popular, and was enthusiastically

supported by the young men. * * * it would have been

an offense, directly after the war, and perhaps it would be now,

to ask any able-bodied man in the South, who was between the

ages of fourteen and sixty at any time during the war, whether

he had been in the Confederate Army. He would assert that

he had, or account for his absence from the ranks. Under

such circumstances it is hard to conceive how the North showed

such a superiority of force in every battle fought. I know

they did not.

*******

I commanded the whole of the mighty host engaged on the
victorious side. I was, no matter whether deservedly so or
not, a representative of that side of the controversy.

General Grant says again in his Memoirs :

During 1862 and '3, John H. Morgan, a partisan officer, of
no military education, but possessed of courage and endurance,
operated in the rear of the Army of the Ohio in Kentucky and
Tennessee. He had no base of supplies to protect, but was at
home wherever he went. The army operating against the
South, on the contrary, had to protect its lines of communication
with the North, from which all supplies had to come to the
front. Every foot of the road had to be guarded by troops
stationed at convenient distances apart. These guards could

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 469

not render assistance beyond the points where stationed.
Morgan was foot-loose and could operate where his in-
formation— always correct — led him to believe he could do the
greatest damage. During the time he was operating in this
way he killed, wounded, and captured several times the number
he ever had under his command at any one time. He destroyed
many millions of property in addition. Places he did not
attack had to be guarded as if threatened by him. Forrest,
an abler soldier, operated farther west, and held from the
National front quite as many men as could be spared for
offensive operations. It is safe to say that more than half
the National army was engaged in guarding lines of supplies,
or were on leave, sick in hospital or on detail which prevented
their bearing arms. Then, again, large forces were employed
where no Confederate army confronted them. I deem it safe
to say that there were no large engagements where the National
numbers compensated for the advantage of position and en-
trenchment occupied by the enemy.

The cause of the war seems to be stated in a few lines fairly
and candidly by General Grant, and that question is not
considered in this work. He says :

The cause of the great War of the Rebellion against the
United States will have to be attributed to slavery. For some
years before the war began it was a trite saying among some
politicians that "A State half slave and half free cannot exist."
All must become slave or all free, or the State will go down.
I took no part myself in any such view of the case at the
time, but since the war is over, reviewing the whole question,
I have come to the conclusion that the saying is quite true.
*******

He (Stanton) was an able constitutional lawyer and jurist;
but the Constitution was not an impediment to him while the
war lasted. In this latter particular I entirely agree with the
view he evidently held. The Constitution was not framed
with a view to any such rebellion as that of 1861-5. While it
did not authorize rebellion it made no provision against it.
* * * The Constitution was therefore in abeyance for the
time being, so far as it in any way affected the progress and
termination of the war.

470

CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The enlistments in the Northern armies as reported by the
Secretary of War were as follows :

NORTHERN STATES AND TERRITORIES.

California 15,725

Colorado 4,903

Connecticut 5i,937

Dakota 206

Illinois 255,057

Indiana 193,748

Iowa 75,797

Kansas 18,069

Maine 64,973

Massachusetts 122,781

Michigan 85,479

Minnesota 23,913

Nebraska 3,157

Nevada 1,080

New Hampshire 32,930

New Jersey 67,500

New York 409,561

Ohio 304,814

Oregon 1,810

Pennsylvania 315,017

Rhode Island 19,251

Vermont 32,549

Washington 964

Wisconsin 91,029

SOUTHERN STATES.

Alabama 2,576

Arkansas 8,289

Delaware 11,236

District of Columbia 11,912

Florida .,... 1,290

Georgia

Kentucky 51,743

Louisiana 5,224

Maryland 33,995

Mississippi 545

Missouri 100,616

New Mexico 6,561

North Carolina 3,156

Tennessee 31,092

Texas 1,965

Virginia

West Virginia 31,872

Total 2,199,081 Total 295,511

Total in Northern States.
Total in Southern States.

Sailors and marines.
Colored troops

.2,199,081

• 295,511

2,494,592
. 101,207
. 178,975

Grand aggregate 2,774,774

Of the 2,199,081 white enlisted men from the Northern
States it is fair, perhaps, to assume that less than half were
volunteers. The Secretary of War reported on November
15, 1865, that 800,963 volunteers had been mustered out of
the service. This number, perhaps, included colored troops.
The Secretary of War reported on November 22, 1865, that
Confederate soldiers had been surrendered and released on
parole, as follows:

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 471

Army of Northern Virginia, commanded by Gen, R.

E. Lee 27,805

Army of Tennessee and others, commanded by Gen.

Joseph E. Johnston 31,243

Gen. Jeff. Thompson's Army of Missouri 7,978

Miscellaneous paroles, Department of Virginia 9,072

Paroled at Cumberland, Maryland, and other stations. . 9,377
Paroled by Gen. Edward M. McCook in Alabama and

Florida 6,428

Army of the Department of Alabama, Gen. Richard

Taylor 42,293

Army of the Trans-Mississippi Department, Gen. E.

Kirby Smith 17,686

Paroled in the Department of Washington 3,390

Paroled in Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana,

and Texas 13,922

Surrendered at Nashville and Chattanooga, Tennessee, 5,029

174,223

The following table, made from official returns, shows
the whole number of men enrolled (present and absent) in
the active armies of the Confederacy :

Army of Northern Virginia

Dep't of Richmond

Dep't of Norfolk

Dep't of the Peninsula

Dep't of Fredericksburg

Dep't of North Carolina

Dep't of Miss, and E. La

Dep't of South Carolina and Ga.

Dep't of Pensacola

Dep't of New Orleans

Dep't of the Gulf

Western Department

Army of Tennessee

Dep't of Kentucky

Dep't of East Tenn

Dep't of Northwest

Dep't of Western Virginia

Trans-Mississippi Department...
Aggregate

Jan. I,
1862.

84,225

16,825
20, 138
10,645
I3>656
4,390
40,955
18,214
10,318

24,784

39,565
4,296

30,000
318,011

Jan. I,
1863.

144,605
7,820

40,821

73,114
27,052

10,489

82,799

18,768

10,116
50,000

Jan. I,
1864.

Jan. I,
186s.

92,050
8,494

9,876
46,906
65,005

17,241

88,457

52,821

18,642
73,289

155,772
16,601

5,187
32,148
53,014

12,820

86,995

7,138
*7o,ooo

465,584 I 472,78]

439,675

♦Estimated.

472 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

Very few, if any, of the local land forces, and none of the
naval, are included in the tabular exhibit. If we take the
472,000 men in service at the beginning of 1864, and add
thereto at least 250,000 deaths occurring prior to that date, it
gives over 700,000.

CHAPTER XLVII

Conduct of Southern authorities and soldiers.

Among the results of the war was the overthrow, ruin
and humiliation of the people of the South. Their property
to the amount of two billions of dollars in negroes had been
sacrificed. Untold millions of property of every description
had been appropriated or destroyed. Barns, mills, homes,
towns, and cities had been sacked and burned to ashes. The
sufiferings of women and children and of the aged cannot
be told. They wandered, penniless and aimless, seeking sub-
sistence, and shelter from the storms of all seasons and the
winds of winter.

And now the surviving soldiers of the prisons and the
armies, many of them tramping for weeks, reached at last
the hills or the valleys where their homes had been in years
gone by. But all was changed. Little was left of the re-
membered scene save ground and streams and sky. It will
never be known how many returning war-worn boys have
exclaimed like Thaddeus of Warsaw, "Oh, God ! give me a
shelter for my mother." The brave beaten soldiers could
only sigh while the women and children wept for joy. But
alas ! how many of the host of the land would never come
home? Many a mother and many a wife was looking and
hoping for years for a soldier that never returned. Some
were in the soldiers' sepulchre where they fell, with the sod
thrown over the grave ; some in a lonely spot of the woodland
or field and some far away in the prison grounds of the clime
of ice and snow; some under the willows of family grave-
yards and some in cemeteries the whole country over.

It was deemed a privilege to be alive in that ill-fated land.
But in this hour of defeat and desolation there was little of
reproof or of blame. It was a time of prayer with some and

474 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

of heart-crying with all. There was one consolation, how-
ever, in the Southern breast. The warfare of the South
had been honorable. It had been heroic. The Confederacy,
young in years and full of hope, had perished from the earth,
a star of Bethlehem in its day but a phantom now.

The archives of the Confederacy have been published and
there is not an order or a letter inconsistent with the character
of a chivalrous spirit. Every Confederate general and his
children may feel secure that the record is to his credit and
his honor. A number of the Confederate generals, notably
Robert E. Lee and Thomas J. Jackson, attained to world-
wide renown as among the greatest generals of any period
in the world's history and

"Great not like Caesar stained with blood,
But only great as they were good."

But in all the list there does not appear to have been a
Butler, or Sherman, or Grant, or Milroy, or Paine, or Bur-
bridge, or Sheridan, or Merritt, or Hunter, or McNeil, or
Pope, or Stanley, or Grierson, or Wilson. There was not a
Howard or a Fifteenth Army Corps in the history of the
Confederacy ; nor a Burnside, an Edwin M. Stanton, an H.
W. Halleck, a John A. Dix, and certainly not a Joseph Holt.
It is the fault of the official record if the facts of history are
not as they ought to be.

The authorities of the Confederate States appear, by the
record, to have exhausted all possible efforts for humane
and honorable warfare, and at no time to have manifested
any other disposition. ' President Davis to General Lee, of
General Pope's orders in 1862, said:

We find ourselves driven by our enemies in their steady
progress toward a practice which we abhor, and which we are
vainly struggling to avoid. Some of the military authorities
of the United States seem to suppose that better success will
attend a savage war in which no quarter is to be given and no
sex is to be spared than has hitherto been secured by such
hostilities as are alone recognized to be lawful by civilized men
in modern times.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 475

For the present, we renounce our right of retaliation on the
innocent, and shall continue to treat the private enlisted soldiers
of General Pope's army as prisoners of war ; but if, after notice
to the Government at Washington of our confining repressive
measures to the punishment only of commissioned officers,
who are willing participants in these crimes, these savage
practices are continued, we shall reluctantly be forced to the
last resort of accepting the war on the terms chosen by our
foes, until the outraged voice of a common humanity forces a
respect for the recognized rules of war.

You are therefore instructed to communicate to the com-
mander-in-chief of the armies of the United States the contents
of this letter.

In a message to Congress on August 15, 1862, President

Davis said :

*******

Rapine and wanton destruction of private property, war upon
non-combatants, murder of captives, bloody threats to avenge
the death of an invading soldiery by the slaughter of unarmed
citizens, orders of banishment against peaceful farmers engaged
in the cultivation of the soil, are some of the means used
by our ruthless invaders to enforce the submission of a free
people to a foreign sway. Confiscation bills, of a character
so atrocious as to insure, if executed, the utter ruin of the
entire population of these States, are passed by their Congress
and approved by their Executive.

Again, to Congress, in January, 1863, he said:

It is my painful duty again to inform you of the renewed
examples of every conceivable atrocity committed by the armed
forces of the United States at different points within the Con-
federacy, and which must stamp indelible infamy, not only on
the perpetrators, but on their superiors, who, having the power
to check these outrages on humanity, numerous and well
authenticated as they have been, have not yet in a single
instance, of which I am aware, inflicted punishment on the
wrong-doers. Since my last communication to you, one
General McNeil murdered seven prisoners of war in cold
blood, and the demand for his punishment remains unsatisfied.

476 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The Government of the United States, after promising ex-
amination and explanation in relation to the charges made
against Gen. B. F. Butler, has, by its subsequent silence, after
repeated efforts on my part to obtain some answer on the
subject, not only admitted his guilt, but sanctioned it by
acquiescence. * * * Recently I have received apparently
authentic intelligence of another general by the name of Milroy,
who has issued orders in West Virginia for the payment of
money to him by the inhabitants, accompanied by the most
savage threats of shooting every recusant, besides burning his
house, and threatening similar atrocities against any of our
citizens who shall fail to betray their country by giving him
prompt notice of the approach of any of our forces. And
this subject has also been submitted to the superior military
authorities of the United States, with but faint hope that they
will evince any disapprobation of the act.

*******

In' occupying Maryland General Lee issued a proclama-
tion, which is somewhat in contrast with the proclamation
of General Fremont in Missouri, in 1861 :

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia,

Near Fredericktown, September 8th, 1862.
To the People of Maryland :

Under the pretense of supporting the Constitution, but in
violation of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have
been arrested and imprisoned upon no charge, and contrary
to all forms of law. The faithful and manly protest against
this outrage, made by the venerable and illustrious Marylander,
to whom, in better days, no citizen appealed for right in vain,
was treated with scorn and contempt. The government of your
chief city has been usurped by armed strangers; your Legis-
lature has been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its members ;
freedom of the press and of speech have been suppressed ; words
have been declared offenses by an arbitrary decree of the
Federal Executive, and citizens ordered to be tried by a military
commission for what they may dare to speak.

Believing that the people of Maryland possessed a spirit too
lofty to submit to such a government, the people of the South
have long wished to aid you in throwing off this foreign yoke,
to enable you again to enjoy the inalienable rights of freemen,
and restore independence and sovereignty to your State.

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 477

In obedience to this wish, our army has come among you,
and is prepared to assist you with the power of its arms, in
regaining the rights of which you have been despoiled. * * *
No restraint upon your free will is intended — no intimidation
will be allowed. We know no enemies among you, and will
protect all J of every opinion. * * *

R. E. Lee,
General Commanding.

General Lee issued an order, in which he said :

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia,

Chambersburg, Pa., June 27, 1863.
General Orders, No. 73.

The General Commanding considers that no greater disgrace
could befall the army, and through it, our whole people, than
the perpetration of the barbarous outrages upon the innocent
and defenseless, and the wanton destruction of private property,
that have marked the course of the enemy in our own country.
Such proceedings not only disgrace the perpetrators, and all
connected with them, but are subversive of the discipline and
efficiency of the army, and destructive of the ends of our present
movements. It must be remembered that we make war only
upon armed men, and that we cannot take vengeance for the
wrongs our people have suffered, without lowering ourselves
in the eyes of all those whose abhorrence has been excited
by the atrocities of our enemy, and offending against Him to
whom vengeance belongeth, without whose favor and support
our efforts must all prove in vain.

The Commanding General, therefore, earnestly exhorts the
troops to abstain, with most scrupulous care, from unnecessary
or wanton injury to private property; and he enjoins upon all
officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who
shall in any way offend against the orders on this subject.

R. E. Lee,

General.

General Lee issued an address to his army, after Gettys-
burg, as follows :

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia,

(Hagerstown), July 11, 1863.

Once more you are called upon to meet the enemy from whom
you have torn so many fields ; names that will never die. Once

478 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

more the eyes of your countrymen are turned upon you, and
again do wives and sisters, fathers and mothers, and helpless
children lean for defense on your strong arms and brave hearts.
Let every soldier remember that on his courage and fidelity,
depends all that makes life worth having, the freedom of his
country, the honor of his people, and the security of his
home. * * *

R. E. Lee,
General Commanding.

General Lee issued another address, as follows:

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia,

November 26, 1863.
The enemy is again advancing upon our Capital, and the
country once more looks to this army for its protection. Under
the blessings of God your valor has repelled every previous
attempt, and invoking the continuance of His favor, we cheer-
fully -commit to Him the issue of the coming conflict.

A cruel enemy seeks to reduce our fathers and our mothers,
our wives, and our children, to abject slavery; to strip them of
their property and drive them from their homes. Upon you
these helpless ones rely to avert these terrible calamities, and
secure to them the blessing of liberty and safety. Your past
history gives them the assurance that their trust will not be in
vain. Let every man remember that all he holds dear depends
upon the faithful discharge of his duty, and resolve to fight and,
if need be, to die, in defense of a cause so sacred and worthy
the name won by this army on so many bloody fields.

R. E. Lee,

General.

Again the cause of the South is stated :

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia,

January 22, 1864.
General Orders, No. 7.

The Commanding General considers it due to the army to
state that temporary reduction of rations has been caused by
circumstances beyond the control of those charged with its
support. Its welfare and comfort are the objects of his
constant and earnest solicitude, and no effort has been spared
to provide for its wants. It is hoped that the exertions now

IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 479

being made will render the necessity of short duration: but
the history of the army has shown that the country can require
no sacrifice too great for its patriotic devotion.

Soldiers! you tread, zvith no unequal steps, the road by
which your fathers inarched through suffering, privation, and
blood to independence!

Continue to emulate in the future, as you have in the past,
their patient endurance of hardships, their high resolve to be
free, which no trial could shake, no bribe seduce, no danger
appall: and be assured that the just God, who crowned their
efforts with success, will, in His own good time, send down
His blessing upon yours.

(Signed.) R. E. Lee,

General.

The record of General Lee appears to be the record of all
the Confederate commanders. The survivors, and the de-
scendants of all who suffered and died in vain for the South,
need never hang their heads, or whisper to mankind, the
true story of the battles, or of the Confederate record of
humanity and honor in the conduct of the conflict for South-
ern independence.

The following lines were written by Philip Stanhope
Wormsley, of Oxford University, England, in the dedication
of his translation of Homer's Iliad to Gen. Robert E. Lee,
"The most stainless of earthly commanders, and, except in
fortune, the greatest."

The grand old bard that never dies,
Receive him in our English tongue ;

I send thee, but with weeping eyes,
The story that he sung.

Thy Troy is fallen, thy dear land
Is marred beneath the spoiler's heel ;

I cannot trust my trembling- hand
To write the things I feel.

Ah, realm of tombs ! but let her bear

This blazon to the end of time.
No nation rose so white and fair.

None fell so pure of crime.

480 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS

The widow's moan, the orphan's wail

Come round thee— but in truth be strong-
Eternal right, though all else fail,
Can never be made wrong.

An angel's heart, an angel's mouth,
Not Homer's, could alone for me

Hymn well the great Confederate South,
Virginia first and Lee.

j!|

"TTP

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